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In , King Francis I of France sent Cartier—likely because of his previous expeditions—on a new trip to the eastern coast of North America, then called the "northern lands. Cartier sailed on April 20, , with two ships and 61 men, and arrived 20 days later. Lawrence, past Anticosti Island. Two Indians Cartier had captured previously now served as guides, and he and his men navigated the St. Lawrence, as far as Quebec, and established a base. In September, Cartier sailed to what would become Montreal and was welcomed by the Iroquois who controlled the area, hearing from them that there were other rivers that led farther west, where gold, silver, copper and spices could be found.

Before they could continue, though, the harsh winter blew in, rapids made the river impassable, and Cartier and his men managed to anger the Iroquois. So Cartier waited until spring, when the river was free of ice, and captured some of the Iroquois chiefs before again returning to France. Because of his hasty escape, Cartier was only able to report to the king that untold riches lay farther west and that a great river, said to be about 2, miles long, possibly led to Asia.

In May of , Cartier departed on his third voyage with five ships. He had by now abandoned the idea of finding a passage to the Orient, and was sent to establish a permanent settlement along the St. Lawrence River on behalf of France. A group of colonists was a few months behind him this time. Cartier set up camp again near Quebec, and they found an abundance of what they thought were gold and diamonds. In the spring, not waiting for the colonists to arrive, Cartier abandoned the base and sailed for France. En route, he stopped at Newfoundland, where he encountered the colonists, whose leader ordered Cartier back to Quebec.

Cartier, however, had other plans; instead of heading to Quebec, he sneaked away during the night and returned to France. There, his "gold" and "diamonds" were found to be worthless, and the colonists abandoned plans to found a settlement, returning to France after experiencing their first bitter winter. Query, Did priests accompany the expedi- tion? Island of Orleans. Welcome to Taig- noagny and Domagaya. The harbour of Holy Cross. Selection of the St. Charles as their place of abode. Stada- cone.

State visit of Donnacona to the ships. Interchange of civilities. Efforts of the savages to dissuade Cartier from proceeding farther Their stratagem. Its failure. Departure for Hochelaga. Shallowness of the water obliges the French to leave their ship near the mouth of the Richelieu. Arrival at Hochelaga. Cordiality of reception by the Indians. Visit to the town. Description thereof. Its situation. Query, To what tribe did these Indians belong?

His meeting with Cartier. Sick people brought to be healed. Cartier's efforts to impart some knowledge of the Christian Religion. Visit to Mount Royal. The Ottawa river. Departure from Hochelaga. River of Fouez. Return to the port of Holy Cross. Visit to Stadacone. Story of massacre. The inhabitants of Stadacone.

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Their wor- ship. Habits and mode of living. Tobacco described. Marvellous tales of the country of Saguenay. Approach of winter. Frost and snow. French attacked by scurvy. Their miserable condition. Invocation of the Divine assistance. Religious service. The remedy found and applied. Marvellous cure effected. Approach of spring. Preparations for return to France. Abandonment of La Petite Hermine. Suspicious behaviour of the sav- ages.

Cartier's resolution taken to seize Donnacona and other Indians. His action in so doing criticized. Erection of Cross Formal possession taken of the country in the name of the King of France. Seizure of chiefs. Departure for home. Arrival at St. Heport to the King. Delay in renewal of Commission. Pro- bable cause thereof. Third voyage determined on. Rober- val. Departure of Cartier on third voyage Arrival at Stadacone. Interview with Agona.

Selection of Cap Rouge as wintering place. Departure of two vessels for France. Cartier goes up to Hoche- laga. The Lord of Hochelay. The Saults. Dissimulation of the Indians. Return to Charlesbourg-Royal. Prepara- tions for its defence. Abrupt termination of narrative. Departure of Roberval from Rochelle. Meeting with Cartier in harbour of St. Cartier returns to France. Probable reasons for so doing. Query, As to date of Roberval's sailing? Heturn from third voyage. Audit of accounts under Royal Commission. Evidence of fourth voyage. Its probable date. Cartier's private life.

His residence at St. As to his ennoblement. Foundation of an ' Obit. His character. In the early part of last year it was announced in the public prints that His Honour the Lieutenant Governor of the Province of Quebec had generously offered, through the Literary and Historical Committee of the "Cerclc Catholique" of Quebec, a silver and a bronze medal for the best and second best essays on " Jacques Cartier, his Life and Voyages. The writer competed, and on the 25th February last, had the good fortune to re- ceive an official notification from the President and Secretary of the Committee, that in the English section his essay had been awarded the first prize.

This paper is now submitted to the public. In thus enlarging the number of his judges, the writer ventures to express the hope that the same kindly criticism which he has so far met with, may attend him in the wider field. Whatever of imperfection there may be in his work, he can at least honestly say, that his earnest endeavour has been to set out in plain and truthful language the facts connected with the earliest dawn of Canadian history, and to give an accurate and faithful picture of the central figure in the scene.

To that end the original records have been diligently studied and compared, and the most trivial statements of fact, whenever practicable, carefully verified. DeCelles, Esq. Griffin, Esq. Sylvain, Esq. To the goodness of these gentlemen in placing the resources of the Library unreservedly at his disposal, and in offering every facility for their examination, is due not a little of whatever success may attend this his first venture in the world of letters.

Cabots Gaspar Corte-Real. Jean Denys. Thomas Aubert. Spanish conquests. ORD MACAULAY, in his admirable essay on Lord Clive, expresses his surprise that while the history of the Spanish Conquest in America is familiar to al- most everybody who reads at all, so little should be known in England, even by educated people, concerning the great actions of their countrymen in the acquisition of India ; and he, rightly in our opinion, ascribes this anomaly, in part, to the difference between the historians of the two great events. Nobody can read Mr. Prescott's works, without becoming deeply interested in his narration of the story of Cortes or Pizarro.

The standard historians of the East, on the con- trary, are somewhat heavy in their style, and in consequence fail to attract the ordinary reader. Lord Macaulay has himself done much to remove this obstacle to the spread of knowledge of Oriental affairs, so much so that we feel justi- fied in saying that, were the distinguished historian still living, we could point out to him a contrast much more striking than that suggested by the lack of acquaintance displayed by the average Englishman of to-day with matters 14 relating to India and its people.

We refer to the want of knowledge on the part of the people of Canada, and par- ticularly of English-speaking Canadians, of all that pertains to the history of our country prior to the days of Wolfe and Montcalm. We cannot help thinking that the Canadian who knows next to nothing of how and by whom his country was re- claimed from barbarism and heathendom, has much less excuse for his ignorance than had the average Englishman of the last generation for not being able to say off-hand, who won the battle of Buxar, or whether Surajah Dowlah ruled in Oude or in Travancore.

For it should not be for- gotten that before the era of steam and electricity, India was a far-off land, inhabited by a strange race, of whom little was known and less understood. Moreover, battles were fought and kingdoms lost and won in Hindostan, months before the knowledge of such exploits could reach England, and to the generality of men, news from six months to a year old is rarely of a character to excite much interest.

Thus we can readily understand how Englishmen continued to regard trTe ' dim orient ' with but languid con- cern, until aroused by the unspeakable horrors of the Sepoy Mutiny. But how shall we account for the indifference of the mass of Canadians to the early history of their own country? For we have a history a record of great deeds done and great things suffered, not thousands of miles across the sea, but here on the very ground we tread.

There is not a day in which the citizens of Quebec and Montreal, for example, do not look upon objects and places made for ever memor- able by the piety or valour of their forefathers places 15 into which', for some of us, the memory of the illustrious dead has passed, but which are wholly devoid of interest to the ordinary passer-by, in whom they awaken no emotion or tell no story. Thanks to the untiring efforts of certain literary gentlemen amongst us, things are better in this respect than they were a few years ago ; but in spite of all that Mr.

LeMoirie and others have done to popularize the account of the early set- tlement of Canada, not to speak of Mr. Francis Parkman, who has a singular aptitude for investing the recital of historical facts with a romantic charm, we venture to doubt whether one person in one hundred, selected at random in any part of Canada, could tell off-hand the name of the English Admiral who contended with Champlain for the possession of Quebec : who founded Montreal : what is meant by the Conspiracy of Pontiac : or by whom was the Gospel first preached on the shores of Lake Huron?

The history of the discovery and occupation of Canada by the French is, as we have said, an eventful one. If not so full of brilliant deeds as is that of the Spanish Conquest in the south, it is still more free from anything analogous to those horrible tales of cruelty and avarice which have tar- nished the glory of the Spanish arms. The Spanish Con- quistadores of the i6th Century with some honourable exceptions were consumed by the lust for gold, and with them everything was subordinated to that ignoble passion. In pursuance of that object they were ever ready to sacrifice all that honourable men hold dear, and their course in the Western World was too often marked by perfidious cruelty and scandalous intrigue.

They longed to impart to the rude savages with whom they came in contact, those graces and blessings which are sacramentally conferred, and to substitute for the abominations of paganism, the pure wor- ship of the Catholic Religion. The fixity of purpose, the patient self-denial, serene cour- age, and dauntless heroism, displayed by the Jesuit mission- aries to Canada, in their work of carrying the Gospel to the heathen savages, are such as to command the admiration of all who have any knowledge of their career, and we feel sure that while Canada endures, the names of Isaac Jogues, Charles Gamier, Jean de Brebeuf, Gabriel Lalemant, and their fellow labourers, will be held in veneration, more especially by those who profess the faith for which these illustrious servants of God, after years of toil and hardship, unillumined by any hope -of earthly reward, went to a bar- barous and cruel death.

While these devoted men were undoubtedly exponents of the highest form of the religious spirit, it is not the less true that the idea of Christianizing the Indians, which was the ruling passion of their lives, animated the minds and influenced the conduct of many of the gallant soldiers and sailors from France who first approached our shores, and in scarcely one of them is this spirit more conspicuous than in the brave adventurer who first explored our mighty river, and thus opened the door of Canada to the European 17 world.

Need we say that we refer to the intrepid mariner of St. Malo, whose life and voyages we propose here briefly, to review. When and by whom was America first made known to Europeans, are questions which we think still admit of dis- cussion, though for all practical purposes, the universally received opinion that it was discovered by Christopher Columbus, in the year , must be accepted as correct.

For certain it is that, prior to that date, there was no general knowledge of the fact that across the western ocean lay vast regions, extending from pole to pole, abounding in natural riches, possessing every variety of climate, and capable of sustaining millions upon millions of human beings. There were, no doubt, traditions, more or less vague, of previous visits by Europeans to strange lands beyond the sea, tradi- tions which lead us through various stages of improbability, back to the fabulous legends of antiquity.

Some few of these, however, are not without a basis of fact. It is known, for example, that Iceland and Greenland were colonized by Scandinavians centuries before Columbus, and it is, we think, not unlikely that some of those hardy navigators should have gone on a little farther and landed on some portion of the American continent. It is, indeed, pretty well established that one Biarni, having set out from Iceland for Greenland, was carried by contrary winds far to the southward, where he came upon unknown lands.

After meeting with sundry vicissitudes, he arrived home in safety, 2 18 and recounted his adventures to his countrymen, amongst them to Leif, son of Eirek the Red, who, fourteen years before, had discovered Greenland. Leif was so impressed with the recital, that he purchased Biarni's vessel, manned her with thirty-five men, and started about the year to follow up his discovery. After sailing it is not said how long they came to the land last seen by Biarni, where, un- like the latter, who never set foot on the new lands, they landed on a barren, inhospitable region, to which they gave the name of Helluland that is, land of broad stones.

They then put to sea again and came to another land, low lying and covered with woods. This land they called Markland that is, land of woods. They then continued on their course, and impelled by a north-east wind, two days later reached a more hospitable country, abounding in Indian corn and grape vines, from which latter circumstance they called it Vinland that is, land of wine.

Here they spent a winter and planted a colony. Other writers question the soundness of this deduction, and affirm that these Vikings never got south of the Strait of Belle Isle. The question turns largely upon the interpretation of one Icelandic word. It is stated in the Saga of Eirek the Red, that on the shortest day at Vinland the sun remained above the horizon from half-past seven in the morning until half- past four in the afternoon.

The word translated half-past four is ' eyktarstadj which word is said by some philologists to have stood for half-past three in the old Norse language. If their shortest day was only eight hours long, Vinland 19 could not have been far south of latitude 50, which is that of the more northerly portions of Newfoundland.

That they were in numbers a few years afterwards, not only on the Banks, but also in the Strait of Belle Isle, and up the St. Lawrence as far as the Saguenay, is a well authenticated fact, and it is not easy to determine the dates of their first visits. Passing over the voyages of Columbus, which do not come within the scope of our narrative further than as serv- ing to separate tradition from history, we come to John Cabot, the first European of whom we have any certain knowledge to visit the shores of North America.

Cabot was a Venetian merchant resident in Bristol in the year The wonderful tales relating to the discovery of a New World, which were then beginning freely to circulate, had a strong fascination for him, and he too would fain search out other lands. Accordingly he applied for creden- tials to Henry VII. This interesting subject is fully discussed by Mr. See also a, paper styled " The visit of the Vikings," by Mr.

It is dated "Apud Westmonasterium quinto die Martii anno regni nostri vudecimo. Armed with this authority, in the spring of , John Cabot, accompanied by Sebastian, sailed from Bristol in the good ship " Matthew" bound for the unknown shores. What became of the other brothers does not appear. Hold- ing a direction north-west of that taken by Columbus, on the 24th June, , they came upon land which they called Prima Vista.

In all the older histories this terra primum visa of Cabot is set down as being on the coast of Labrador, but if the map of , commonly ascribed to Sebastian Cabot, be authentic, the first land seen undoubtedly was the north-eastern extremity of the Island of Cape Breton. This they named St. John, in honour of the day.

Jacques Cartier: French Explorer That Named Canada - Fast Facts - History

The inhabitants of the island were clad in beasts' skins, which, we are told " they have in as great estimation as we have our finest garments. It is worthy of note that this word Baccalaos is said to have been the old Basque equivalent for codfish, and the fact if it be a fact of Cabot finding it in use by the natives of Newfoundland would go to show that the Basque traditions of prior discovery are not wholly unfounded. Horsford thinks, may have been Cape Ann, or possibly the mountain Agamenticus.

NOTE 4. The following quotation from Don Quixote part 1, chapter 2 is 21 is, however, very questionable whether the statement twice made in Hakluyt's version of the Cabot voyages, that the word Baccalaos was employed by the savages of Newfound land at that early period, be correct. We have seen it stated that the aborigines of North America called a codfish Apege, while Cartier tells us that in " the land newly discovered " the word used by the " wilde men" to designate a codfish is Gadagoursere.

Cabot returned to England in safety, was knighted by the king, and commissioned afresh, with larger powers than originally had been granted to him. About this time, how- ever, he died, and to his son Sebastian was committed the command of the second expedition. Sebastian Cabot made several subsequent voyages in search of the much talked of passage to China, or Cathay, as it was then called, from one of which he brought back three men clad in skins " taken in the Newfound Island, who did eate raw flesh, and spake such speach that no man could understand them.

It is nowhere expressly stated that either John or Sebastian Cabot landed anywhere on the shores of the New World, though from the narrative it seems probable that at all events Sebastian did so on the occasion of his second voyage. Indeed, this appears to have been the chief object of the voyage, and it has been conjectured that the name ' Terra da Laborador ' was be- stowed by the Portugese slave merchants, who conceived the newly found people to be peculiarly adapted to manual labour. The traffic, however, was never developed. Corte- Real was lost at sea the following year, and the Portugese, attracted by the marvellous tales from what were then known as the Indies, relinquished all claim to a country so inhospitable as Labrador, and left the way open to a more generous and humane people.

Corte-Real is said to have discovered the Gulf of St. Lawrence, though we think that honour belongs equally to Sebastian Cabot, or more pro- perly still to Jean Denys, a native of Honfleur, who made a map of the locality in In a Dieppe pilot named Thomas Aubert made similar explorations, and if we are -to believe the Dieppe chronicles, ascended the St.

Lawrence 80 leagues. Some years later witnessed Baron de Lery's unsuccessful attempt to establish a colony on Sable Island. Hitherto the French monarchs had shown towards these expeditions an apathy which forms a marked contrast to the zeal which characterized their successors in al! The cause of this seeming indifference is, we think, not far to seek, and to be found in the absorbing nature of their foreign wars, which left them little leisure for more peaceful pursuits.

In Francis the first ascended the throne of France. A few years later and all Europe rang with the fame of the exploits of Cortes, and the rich spoils of Mexico, to be followed at no long period by the golden trophies of Peru, began to pour into Spain. Historians tell us that Francis, fired by these accounts of Spanish successes with a spirit of emulation, was eager to vie with his great rival in maritime discovery as in all other things, and to this end he fitted out four ships which he placed under the command of one Giovanni da Verrazzano, a Florentine navigator, who is said to have accompanied Aubert in one of his voyages to America in Verrazzano left Dieppe in the latter part of the year with four vessels under his command.

Being caught in a storm off Brittany, which disabled two of his ships, he was compelled to. He then cruised along the coast of Spain with two vessels of the fate of the other two we are not informed where he captured some valuable booty from the Spaniards. Shortly afterwards, having despatched one of his ships back to France, presumably in charge of the spoil, he set sail in the other for the New World.

The chronicle relates that after sailing for many days they came upon " a new land, never before seene of any man either ancient or moderne. They sailed northwards along the coast for many leagues, meeting with a variety of adventures, until they approached the land " that in times past was discovered by the Britons," which is stated to have been in latitude 50, where, having taken in wood and water, they concluded it was time to return to France.

The sole record of this voyage is to be found in a letter 24 purporting to have been written by Verrazzano, from Dieppe, to the King of France, dated the 8th July, The authenticity of this document, long unquestioned, has of late years been much impugned. While an examination in- to the merits of this controversy would be manifestly out of place here, we may just say that a careful perusal of the let- ter itself as given in Hakluyt and elsewhere, and a compari- son of it with the Relations of Jacques Cartier and other early navigators, do not tend to confirm our belief in its genuineness.

The whole matter is involved in obscurity. We certainly cannot find any evidence in French history to show that Francis ever despatched Verrazzano on such a mission, or that he at any time acknowledged the alleged discovery, or sought to gain any advantage therefrom. Moreover, the reasons which kept the French monarchs from active participation in such enterprises, operated with peculiar force at the very period in which this discovery is said to have been made.

Our opinion, which, in view of its being contrary to the generally received notion, we give with much diffidence, is that it was not until after the return of Francis from the battle of Pavia and its consequences, that that monarch began to turn his attention to maritime dis- covery, incited thereto, it is said, by his old time friend and companion, Philippe Chabot, Sieur de Brion, whom, on his return from Spain in , he created Admiral of France Chabot in turn receiving his inspiration from Jacques Cartier, then known as a skilful navigator of the English Channel, and belonging to the old town of St Malo.

Jacques Cartier's birth -Parentage. Early life. Carpunt La baye des Chas- teaulx. La baye de ehaleur. LK destroyt Saint Pierre. Arrival at Si. Malo in the year Owing to the incomplete form in which the civil registers of that period have come down to us, no record of his baptism can be found ; we are therefore unable tc give the precise date.

In fact, the year of his birth is known only by accident. The date was long supposed to have been the 3ist December, , but certain legal documents recently brought to light in St. Malo inferentially disprove this, and assign as the correct year. These statements, we think, justify the inference that he was born somewhere between the yth June and the 23rd December in the year The register does not give the name bestowed upon the child, nor even the names of the parents, nor of either of them! We know, however, from other sources, that one Jean Cartier, born in St.

Jamet, the eldest, married Geseline Jansart, and to them was born in the year our illus- trious navigator. Malo appears the following : " Sainc-Malo, 31 Decembre. It is true that from Cartier's marriage register we know him to be the son of Jamet Cartier or Quartier, as it is sometimes spelled and Geseline Jansart, but it will be observed that this baptismal register does not mention the uanu of the child.

It must have been one of Jacques Cartier's brothers, for Cartier himself, as we have seen, was born in , lor which year the baptismal registers of St. Malo are wholly wanting, as indeed they are missing all the way between and His grandparents were married on the 2nd November, , and his lather bom as is supposed on the 4th December, He was, no doubt, brought up to the sea, and probably spent his youth in navigating the English Channel. There is some reason to believe that at this period he made several voyages to the banks of Newfoundland with the Breton fishermen whom we know to have frequented the shores of the new world in pursuit of their calling, in Cartier's younger days.

The marriage, so far as we are able to judge, proved a prosperous one, and for thirty-eight years the parties thereto lived happily together. There was only one drawback their union was not fruitful, and Cartier left behind him no direct descendants. TJie following is the record of Cartier's marriage : " 2 May, If not, and the marriage was subsequent to it, as appears probable the point is immaterial, but if antecedent, it is a question whether the year was not For at St.

Malo in those days, the year WHS reckoned from Easter, instead of from the 1st January as at present. In E ister fell cm the 24th April. It' therefore the marriage took place at any time between the 1st January and the 23rd April, , it would be entered as having occuired in The Baptismal register attests his presence in St.

Malo on the 5th April of the first mentioned year, and on the 3oth April of the last named, but not between these dates. This register, in fact, furnishes us with the best record we have ot Cartier's life. He seems to have taken a particular pleasure in being present at baptisms, for we find that he assisted at no less than fifty-tour of them at twenty-eight of which he was Godfather. The first occasion was on the 2ist August, , when he stood Godfather to his nephew Etienne, son of Jehan Nouel and Jehanne Cartier the last on the iyth November, , when was baptized Michelle, daughter of Jehan Gorgeu and Martine Jalobert.

Upon the Baptismal. It is the record of the baptism, on the 3oth July, , of one " Catharine du Brezil," at which Katherine Des Granches stood Godmother. This may very well have been an Indian woman or child brought by Cartier from Brazil, according to the custom of the day. Thus on the tirst voyage at Gasp6 : " There groweth likewise a kinde of Millet as big as Peason, like unto that which, groweth in Bresil," Ac.

And at Stadaconfi : "On which ground groweth their corne, which they call offici ; it is as bigge aa our small peason; there is great quantitie of it growing in Bresill. Malo- about that period, but taken in connection with the fact that the name of the Godfather, " Guyon Jamyn," was that of a relative of Cartier, we think the association not unreasonable. We have no information as to when or under what circumstances Cartier came under the notice of the High Admiral of France, nor when it was that Chabot presented him to the King as a fit person to be entrusted with the charge of exploring the wonders of the New World.

Neither has his commission for the first voyage ever been found. Malo to assist him in forming his crews. Certain it is, however, that the King was so impressed with Cartier's representations, that he at once gave his sanction to the project, and ordered two ships to be fitted out, giving the command to Cartier, with instructions to do his utmost endeavour to search out the long looked for passage to the East Indies. The prepara- tions for the voyage were made under the supervision of M. In compliance with the royal behest, he proceeded to St.

NOTR See appendix A. The voyage was singularly prosperous, and borne along by fair winds, on the loth May, they sighted Cape Bonavista, Cap de Bonne viste, R. It was early in the season, and being prevented by the board ice from entering the bay of that name, they ran south-east some five leagues, where they found shelter in a harbour which they named St. Katherine 13 probably after Cartier's wife.

In the course of this nar- rative we shall find the gallant Breton captain on more than one occasion thus honouring his wife, and the fact, we think, gives us an indication of the strong domestic attachments of the man, which are not always a distinguishing character- istic in those of his profession.

In this port they remained ten days, overhauling their ships, which, in view of their small size, must have suffered greatly from contact with the floating ice that yet hung about the coast. On the 2ist May they proceeded on their way, and sailing north-east, reached the island now known as Funk Island, in latitude He tells us also how, notwithstanding NOTE The R. Disdaining mere generalization, the chronicle goes on to record that Cartier's men, having disturbed one of these animals in his repast, the bear, which is said to have been "as great as any cow and as white as any swan," in their presence leaped into the sea, where some days afterwards they overtook it with their ships the bear swimming as swiftly as they could sail.

After a struggle they succeeded in cap- turing the animal, which they ate and pronounced its flesh to be excellent. He put into Quirpon Harbour, called by him Carpunt in the R. Rapont where he remained some days, waiting for fair weather. In this harbour is a small island, marked on Bayfield's charts "Jacques Cartier Island," and towards the south-west "Jacques Cartier Road.

We are informed on excellent authority that there Is nothing in- credible, or even improbable, in this story. NOTE Which of the islands north of Newfoundland was thus named by Cartier, we confess we are quite unable to determine. Scarcely any portion of 'his narrative is more confused than the page in which is recorded his course from leaving Funk Island until he reaches the Labrador coast. We have spent more time in endeavouring to fix upon St.

Jacques Cartier’s First North American Voyage

Katherine's Island, than, to be quite candid, we care to confess. Hakluyt's version is as follows " Going from the point Degrad, and entring into the sayd bay toward the West and by North: there is some doubt of two Islands that are on the right side, one of the which is distant from the sayd point three leagues, and the other seven, either more or lesse than the first, being a low and plaine land, and it seemeth to be part of the niaineland.

I named it Saint Kather- ine's Island ; in which, toward the Northeast there is very dry soile: but about a quarter of a league from it, very ill ground, so that you must go a little about. The sayd Island and the port of Castles trend toward North North east, and South South west, and they are about 15 leagues asunder. There are two important discrepancies here.

While Hakluyt says "Tfore is some doubt of," the R.

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Katherine's Island cannot be Belle Isle, for assuredly that cannot be styled " a low and plaine land," being feet above the level of the sea ; neither does Belle Isle " seem to be part of the mainland '' ; nor can it well be Sacred Island, which is feet high. Jacques Carder Island, mentioned above, is about half a mile long, and relatively low feet. The truth is that Cartier was in the habit of employing the term ' Island ' in a very loose sense, and we should not be surprised if St.

Katherine's Island were some cape in the vicinity, and not an island at all though there are manifest objections to such an hypothesis. The first named, no doubt, is the Greenish Bay of to-day, and the second Red Bay. Proceeding south-westward along the coast, he reached in due course the harbour of Blanc Sablon, which still retains its -name. South-south-west of this harbour he notes two islands, one of which was named Wood Island, R.

It is evident that this coast at the date of Carder's visit, was tolerably well known to Europeans, several of the har- bours being already named. Especially is this the case NOTE Wood Island is still knosvn by that name. The Isle of Birds has become Greenly Island. Cartier mentions a little farther on in his narrative how they met a ship belonging to Rochelle looking for the port of Brest, and he notices this, merely by the way, and quite as a matter of course.

Full text of "Jacques Cartier, his life and voyages"

Some writers affirm that a thousand people dwelt round about, and there is authority for still larger figures. To our mind, however, it is extremely unlikely that at the period of Cartier's visit, and for some time afterwards, Brest was any- thing more than a summer resort for the Basque and Breton fishermen, who, in view of the hostility of the Esquimaux and other savage tribes, found themselves compelled to adopt concerted measures for purposes of defence. The fort was situated at or near the head of what is now known as Old Fort Bay, which is an inlet of Esquimaux Bay in lat 51 24', long.

The Strait of Belle Isle from a very early period was renowned as a whaling ground, and was, as we have seen, much frequented both by French and Spanish Basques, traces of whom are still witnessed to in the traditions which linger around those northern shores, and even far up the great river itself. See appendix C. The bricks were hollow for conveni- ence of transport, as materially reducing the weight.

Traces of fishing stages used by the Basques for drying their fish are still visible at different places in the vicinity, notably on a sniall island called " Echafaud a Basques? Lawrence, some six miles west of the mouth of the Saguenay. There is reason for believing that these relics were in use before the days of Cartier.

The Basque Roads, near by, were known under that name in the time of Champlain. To return to Jacques Cartier and his companions, whom we left at the port of Brest, whither they called on the loth June for wood and water. On the following day, being the festival of St. Barnabas, they celebrated Divine Service. We shall have something to say farther on respecting the nature of this act, and merely allude to it here in order to call attention to the fact that it is the first recorded instance of the public worship of God in this country we say, re- corded instance, for there is little doubt that the reasons which induced the pious commander to ordain this service, must equally have moved him a month before in Catalina harbour, where they remained ten days and consequently over Sunday , and also at other places along the coast.

Leaving their ships in the port of Brest, they coasted along the western shore in their boats. Entering a good haven, they named it St. Antoine's Port. This is probably Rocky Bay. Servan's Port. This we take to be the present Lobster Bay. Beyond St. Servan's they came to " another greater river in which we took good store of Salmon.

According to the R. Servan's according to Ed. If ten leagues be what is meant, we can make nothing of it. It may have been Shecatica bay, and the good harbour, Cumberland harbour, though ten leagues would carry them considerably beyond these points. If two leagues be intended, St. James river was probably Napetepec Bay, in which case the harbour a league beyond, which he takes to be " one of the best in all the world," would be Mistanoque Bay, the entrance to which is guarded by two islands, and feet high respectively, and is thus protected in an exceptional degree.

On the whole, and bearing in mind that they were in their small boats, we are inclined to think that the shorter distance is the more pro- bable, and consequently the latter explanation more likely to be the true one. In extolling the excellence of the harbours, Cartier re- grets that he cannot say as much for the land, which he describes as being barren and rocky a place fit only for wild beasts.

From the description given of these savages, taken in connection with Carder's explicit statement that they came from south- ern parts, one would have been disposed to think that they could not have been Esquimaux, but rather some roving tribe of the great Algonquin family then beginning to invade the eastern portion of America ; l'abb Ferland, however, holds a contrary opinion, and to his judgment we are dis- posed to attach much weight.

Disheartened by the ever increasing sterility of this inhos- pitable shore, Cartier determined upon changing his course. Returning to his ships on Saturday, he remained in port over Sunday, on which day he again caused Divine Service to be celebrated. On Monday morning, the i5th of June, they weighed anchor and crossed the strait to the New- foundland coast without knowing it to be such , being at- tracted by the high lands in the background of Cape Rich, which latter they named the Double Cape.

Sailing south- ward they observed the high hills which fringe this portion of the coast. These they named " les Monts de Granches" Along here they experienced much bad weather, thick mists and fogs preventing them from catching sight of land. To- wards the evening of Wednesday, the fog partially lifted, and disclosed a cape that u is on the top of it blunt-pointed, and also toward the Sea it endeth in a point, wherefore wee named it The pointed Cape, on the north side of which there is a plaine Hand. From this point until they reached la bale des Chaleurs, there is much obscurity in Cartier's narrative.

No two 38 writers agree upon the exact course followed between these two points. We have given some thought to our interpre- tation of this portion of the route, and while not pretending to absolute correctness in a matter upon which so much diversity of opinion exists, we feel that our explanation con- flicts with Cartier's account, in a lesser degree than many which have preceded it. And here we may express the satis- faction with which we have perused the able and instructive paper on Jacques Cartier's first voyage, by W.

Ganong r Esq. Before meeting with it we had laid down the general lines of our interpretation of this portion of the course, and without being aware that anyone had anticipated our conclusions, had rejected the generally accepted theory that the River of Boats and Cape Orleans were on the New Brunswick shore, and had placed them in Prince Edward Island. We were, therefore, much gratified to find our view shared by a gentleman who evi- dently has a large acquaintance with the subject upon which he writes.

We have to thank him for many valuable hints, which have been especially useful to us in tracing the course through the Magdalen Islands and about Anticosti. We are constrained, however, to differ somewhat from Mr. Ganong in his interpretation of the course along that portion of the Newfoundland coast lying between Cow Head and Cape Anguille.

Perhaps the most satisfactory way of stat- ing the points of difference between us, would be to give a short synopsis of Cartier's Relation, then Mr. Ganong's in- terpretation, and lastly our own view. Cartier says in effect that after passing the Pointed Cape they had stormy weather from the north-east.

They there- 39 lore went south-west until the following morning, by which time they had traversed about thirty-seven leagues, when they found themselves opposite a bay full of round islands like dove cots, which they named les Coulonbiers. He continues "And from the Bay of S. Julian, from the which to a Cape that lieth South and by West, which wee called Cape Roial there are 7 leagues, and toward the West south- west side of the saide Cape, there is another that beneath is all craggie and above round. On the North side of which about halfe a league there lieth a low Hand : that Cape wee named The Cape of milke.

Betweene these two Capes there are certaine low Hands, above which there are also certaine others that show that there be some rivers. About two leagues from Cape royall wee sounded and found 20 fathome water. The gulf was shut up towards the south. The aforesaid low grounds were on one side of the entrance to this gulf, and Cape Royal was on the other.

It is a plaine countrey, but an ill soile ; and in the middest of the entrance thereof, there is an Hand. The saide gulfe is in latitude fourtie-eight degrees and an halfe. The other versions, though varying slightly, are substantially the same. We may say here that Cartier's distances and directions, are as is to be expected often inaccurate. To give an idea of the almost uniform inaccuracy of Cartier's 40 Mr.

Ganong thinks that the bay full of round islands was Roche harbour, and in this we agree with him. On Bay- field's chart there is an engraving of Bonne bay with Roche harbour lying to the north, in which is clearly seen the round aspect of the rocks which suggested to Cartier the name of the Dove Houses. He puts the Bay of St. Julien down as Bonne Bay. Ganong's reading of the course. Now for our own view. It does not seem to us at all clear that Cartier meant to imply that the bay in which the round rocks were was the Bay of St.

Nor does he say that the latter was entered by him. On the contrary, measurements, we select a few instances in which there can be no question as to the identity of the points between which he meant them to apply For example, he says that Lake St. Peter is 12 leagues long and from 5 to 6 broad. In reality it is 18 nautical miles long, and 7 wide.

He says that the Island of Orleans is from 10 to 12 leagues in length. In reality it is 18 nautical miles.

He says Hare Island is 5 leagues long, and Isle aux Coudres 3 leagues, while the former is only 7 nautical miles long, and the latter only 5. He says the distance between the former Island and the latter is 15 leagues, whereas it is only 26 nautical miles. Champlain, on the other hand, must have employed the league of five kilometres, and he comes very near the mark when he says that Isle d'Orleans and Isle aux Coudres are respectively six leagues and one and a half leagues in length. Julien must have been the Bay of Islands, dimly seen through storm and fog as the vessels passed down the coast.

The " great and very deepe gulfe," shut up towards the south, and lying between Cape Royal and the Cape of Milk, we hold to be Port au Port Bay. We do not see how the islands lying between these two capes can pos- sibly be identified with those at the entrance of the Bay of Islands, nor South Head with the Cape of Milk. Cartier says that lying north of the latter is a low island. The only island lying to the north of South Head is feet high. He says that between Cape Royal and the Cape of Milk are certain low islands.

There are no low islands anywhere near the Bay of Islands. On one side of the entrance to this bay is Crabb Point, feet high, and on the other Lark Mountain, feet. North of Tweed Island are certain small rocks having. The lands all around the bay are immensely high, down almost to the water's edge Cape Blow-me-down being feet high. Here is Cartier's literal description of " the great and very deep bay. The latitude too of " the great and very deepe gulfe" is said to be 48 30', which is that of the middle of Port au Port Bay. No action of Cartier, we think, bears truer witness to his stoutness of heart than his course at this particular point.

For five weeks he had traversed the desolate coast of Labra- dor, meeting with nothing to inspire him with the hope of a successful issue of his mission. Yet through storm and darkness he pressed bravely on, and launching out into the unknown waters, committed his frail vessels to the fury of the tempest. For a week they were at the mercy of the winds and waves, enveloped all the while in a thick mist, which prevented them from taking observations or as- certaining where they were.

At length, on the 24th June, they caught sight of land which they named Cape St. John in honour of the day. Misled by Hakluyt who, following Ramusio, heads this portion of his narrative, " of the Hand called S. Iohn, n some writers have supposed this cape to have been on 43 Prince Edward Island, but in the light of what follows,, nothing can be more clear than that Cape St. John is Cape Anguille in Newfoundland. Cartier tells us that he caught a glimpse of this ' Hand ' through darkness and fog He, then sailed west-north-west until he found himself seventeen and a half leagues distant therefrom.

The two former relations are not infre- quently astray in their directions and distances about here. Then the wind turned and they were driven fifteen leagues to the south-east, where they came upon the Bird Rocks, two of which Cartier accurately describes, as being "as- steepe and upright as any wall. Five leagues to the westward he came to a small island, upon which was conferred the name of Brion's Island, rille de Bryon, R.

This name it still retains, though on many maps it is erron- eously spelt Byron. They sailed among the Magdalen Islands, which they found fertile and pleasant " one of their fields is more worth than all the New land. At Brion's Island they saw numbers of walruses, of which they appear to have had no previous knowledge. At this stage of the voyage, Cartier seems first to have surmised the fact of Newfoundland being an island, for he says : " As farre as I could gather and comprehend, I thinke that there be some passage betweene Newfoundland and Brions land.

The Ed. From this point until they reach Allezay we are in difficul- ties again. The account is certainly most perplexing. We, have to thank Mr. Ganong for the suggestion that the cape of red land is a point to the south of Entry Island, and also that the cape four leagues therefrom R. Upon these suppositions, the two small islands before one comes to the first cape, would probably be the Andromache rocks, and the view of the low lands would be between Grindstone and Allright Islands.

Allezay, de- scribed as being "very high and pointed," was, we think, Deadman's Island, which is represented on Bayfieid's charts just as Cartier describes it a sharp ridge, about feet high. De Costa appears to be of opinion that Allezay was on Prince Edward Island, which only shows that that gentleman can have bestowed very little attention upon the subject. Prince Edward Island, as is well known, lies low ; North Cape and East Point, its two extremities, are neither of them much over twenty-five feet high, and to speak of any land on the north shore of that island as " being high and pointed" is simply absurd.

The following is from Haklnyt, and we make the quotation at some length, because we give to it an interpretation dif- ferent from the one it generally bears : ' ' Wee sailed Westward, untill Tuesday morning at Sunne rising, being the last of the nioneth, without any sight or knowledge of any lande, except in the evening toward Sunne set, that wee discovered a lande which seemed to he two Hands, that were beyond us West south west, about nine or tenne leagues. All the next day till the next morning at Sunne rising wee sailed Westward about fourtie leagues, and by the way we perceived that the land we had seene like Hands, was firrne land, lying South south east, and North north west to a very good Cape of land called Cape Orleans.

Al the said land is low and plaine, and the fairest that may possibly be seene, full of goodly medowes and trees. True it is that we could finde no nai borough there, because it is all full of shelves and sands. We with our boats went on shore in many places, and among the rest wee entred into a goodly river, une belle ripuiere, R.

We had no other notice of the said wild men: for the wind came from the sea, and so beat us against the shore, that wee were constrained to retire ourselves with our boates to ward our ships. Lunarios Bay R. Sainct 46 Limaire and with our boats we went to the Cape toward the North, and found the shore so shallow, that for the space of a league from land there was but a fathome of water. We hold, on the contrary, that the land which first appeared to him like two islands, was either the higher land in the interior of Piince Edward Island, which is seen by ships coming down from the Magdalen Islands a considerable time before the low lying coast comes into view ; or possibly two of the larger sandhills lying off Richmond Bay.

We judge the River of Boats to have been Kildare River, 18 or it may have been the Narrows, which at that time probably flowed through the Sand Hills. We entirely agree with Mr. Ganong in believing that Cartier could have had no knowledge of the fact of Prince Edward Island being an island, and that by the bay of St.

Lunario he means Kouchibouguac bay extended indefinitely into the strait which separates the western portion of Prince Edward Island from New Brunswick. They consisted of stone axes, arrow heads, spear points, and the like. Coming into possession ot the writer's father, they were by him presented to the British Museum, or to some kindred institution in London.