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The articles have followed the format established in volume 1 for the entire encyclopedia; but we have included in this volume one lengthier article, on Magar, which concentrates on a particular Hindu village and gives a fair sense of the religious, economic, and interpersonal details that have been noted throughout the subcontinent, but for which space is otherwise not available here. Reference Resources The best single-volume introduction to all aspects of South Asian culture and society is edited by Robinson Basham , are two excellent surveys of the history and culture.

For an anthropological survey of the subcontinent, Tyler and Maloney are both fairly good; and a more detailed survey of the literature on South Asian society is Mandelbaum , which has the virtue ofpaying serious attention to regional variations in social organization. There are innumerable other books that deal-as these dowith caste society: a general introduction is provided by Lannoy , and two of the most useful are Hutton and Dumont They may be supplemented with Raheja's recent survey article For specific, though never up-to-date, cultural details about the several thousand castes, subcastes, and tribes that make up South Asian society, one should consult the relevant handbook listed at the end of the appendix to this volume.

Maloney is a study of the Republic of the Maldives, while Benoist is a handy account of Mauritian society. An interesting cultural history of the Indian Ocean, which pays particular attention to the island groups, is Toussaint A long history of Indian anthropology has been published by Vidyarthi , but it lacks balance.

Much more reliable is the extensive survey of anthropology and sociology edited by Srinivas et al. There are numerous excellent cultural histories of the Indian subcontinent, the most detailed of which is the multivolume set edited by Majumdar et al. Standard single-volume histories include Smith , Thapar and Spear , and Majumdar, Raychaudhuri, and Datta A brief modem account is by Kulke and Rothermund Sri Lanka, which has quite a distinct history, is covered by Codrington Extremely useful for cultural as well as historical studies is the atlas edited by Schwartzberg An even more up-to-date atlas is edited by Muthiah , but it only covers the Republic of India.

Of regional geographies, Spate et al. Two good surveys of South Asian languages are Sebeok and Shapiro and Schiffman ; Masica is also helpful. Of course, bilingual dictionaries exist for every major language. For Asian words that have crept into the English language, Yule and Burnell makes fascinating browsing.

There are numerous modem English-language novels written by South Asians that poignantly reveal features of ordinary life in the subcontinent. Merchant, Rohinton Mistry, R K. Of British literature dealing with the old India there is a massive amount: most outstanding surely are Rudyard Kipling's short stories, E. A fine introduction to Indian religions and philosophy was edited by de Bary , a new edition of which was recently prepared. Very similar in its coverage of Hinduism and Buddhism, and like the preceding volume featuring many translations from the classics, is Radhakrishnan and Moore Another succinct introduction to Indian philosophy is Bishop A concise dictionary of Hinduism is Stutley and Stutley ; Garrett , though old, may also be recommended.

The natural history ofthe subcontinent has been studied in incredible detail, and so there are, for example, excellent handbooks on the flora of each region most of them now quite old, however.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

A superb new encyclopedic survey that covers flora, fauna, geography, geology, and climatology in a single volume is edited by Hawkins Also very useful for its botanical, zoological, and historical information although not for its out-of-date economic data is Watt , which is a one-volume abridgment of A Dictionary of the Economic Products ofIndia that he wrote in A modem encyclopedia that covers much the same subject matter is The Wealth of India Two excellent guidebooks to the historical monuments of South Asia, equally useful to the tourist and the scholar, have been edited by Williams and Michell and Davies.

Numerous bibliographies of South Asian topics are available. A useful bibliography of bibliographies for the region is by Drews and Hockings Patterson has provided the most detailed bibliography for the whole sub-. Acknowledgments The editor thanks the many dozens of contributorsEuropean, Asian, and American-who have organized their special knowledge into the format we proposed for this encyclopedia. William J. Alspaugh, a South Asian bibliographer at the Regenstein Library, University of Chicago, kindly provided many of the references listed in the appendix.

In addition, the help of Joyce Drzal, at the University of Illinois in Chicago, provided up-to-date information on the distributors for all films listed in the filmography. Their assistance, together with that of numerous anthropology students at the University of Illinois, is gratefully acknowledged. References Basham, A. The Wonder That Was India. New York: Hawthorn Books. Numerous reprints. Basham, A. A Cultural History of India. Oxford: Clarendon Press. London: Oxford University Press, , Benoist, Jean L'ile Maurice-la Reunion.

Paris: Encyclopidie de la Pliade, Editions Gallimard. Berreman, Gerald D. Caste and Other Inequities: Essays on Inequality. New Delhi: Manohar Book Service. Bishop, Donald H. Indian Thought: An Introduction. Codrington, H. A Short History of Ceylon. London: Macmillan. Sources of Indian Tradition. New York. Columbia University Press. Embree and Stephen Hay. Drews, Lucy B. South Asia. Smith and Yvonne M. Damien, South Salem, N.

Dumont, Louis Translated by Mark Saintsbury. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Garrett, John Madras: Higginbotham. Reprint in 1 vol. New York: Burt Franklin. Goonetileke, H. Bibliotheca Asiatica, no. Zug: Inter Documentation. Hawkins, R. Encyclopedia of Indian Natural History. Hutton, John H. London: Oxford University Press. Johnson, Gordon, et al. The New Cambridge History of India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Kulke, Hermann, and Dietmar Rothermund A History of India. Totowa, N. Kumar, Dharma, Tapan Raychaudhuri, et al. The Cambridge Economic History of India. Lannoy, Richard New York: Oxford University Press. Majumdar, R C. The History and Culture of the Indian People. Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan. Majumdar, R. Raychaudhuri, and Kalikinkar Datta An Advanced History of India. Rapson, E. The Cambridge History of India. Robinson, Francis, ed. Schwartzberg, Joseph E. A Historical Atlas of South Asia.

Sebeok, Thomas A. Current Trends in Linguistics. The Hague and Paris: Mouton. Shapiro, Michael C. Schiffman Language and Society in South Asia. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Smith, Vincent A. The Oxford History of India. Revised by Percival Spear et al. Clarendon Press; numerous reissues. Spate, 0. London: Methuen. Srinivas, M.

Bombay: Popular Prakashan. Stutley, Margaret, and James Stutley Thapar, Romila, and Percival Spear Harmondsworth: Penguin. Masica, Colin P. Defining a Linguistic Area: South Asia. Michell, George, and Philip Davies The Penguin Guide to the Monuments of India. Vidyarthi, L. Atlantic Highlands, N. Muthiah, S. A Social and Economic Atlas of India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Watt, George A Dictionary of the Economic Products of India. London: W. Calcutta: Superintendent of Government Printing.

Delhi: Periodical Publications. Patterson, Maureen L. Radhakrishnan, Sarvepalli, and Charles A. Moore, eds. A Source Book in Indian Philosophy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Raheja, Gloria G. Williams, L. Rushbrook, ed. London: John Murray. Yule, Henry, and A. Burnell Humanities Press; numerous reissues. The cause of this migration is unknown, although natural causes and political upheaval have been sug. It is also not known whether they migrated as a solid body at a single point in history, or in smaller subgroups over a period of several hundred years.

Between and , the British government tried unsuccessfully to conquer all ofAbor territory. Following the failure of several military endeavors, a treaty was reached that guaranteed limited British hegemony and uninhibited trade and communication on the frontier. In spite of occasional treaty violations, an uneasy peace was maintained. After the final British military action against the Abor in response to the murder of the assistant political officer and a companion in , the hills north of Assam were divided into western, central, and eastern sections for administrative purposes.

The last of these were collectively given the name of Sadiya Frontier Tract. Since this time, the Abor have undergone considerable acculturation, which has resulted in a number of changes in the nature of village life, the local economy, social structure, and political organization. Orientation Identification. The name "Abor" is applied, in a general sense, to all of the hill tribes that live in the area surrounding the Assam Valley.

In a more specific sense, it refers to those. Abor settlements are also found in Tibet and China. The etymology of the word has been the subject of considerable debate. Two interpretations represent the range of opinion about the origin of the word. The first holds that abor is of Assamese origin and is derived from bori, meaning "subject, dependent," and the negative particle a-. Thus, "Abor" suggests one who does not submit allegiance i. The alternative view connects the word with Abo, the primordial man in Abor mythology.

The final -r is taken to be similar to final -rr in tribal designations such as Aorr, Simirr, and Yimchungrr, which means "man. Abor communities in India are concentrated on the banks of the Siang and Yamne rivers. Their territory, totaling some 20, square kilometers, has the India-Tibet border as its northern boundary, Pasighat as its southern boundary, and Gallong country and the Siyom river as its western boundary.

According to the census there were 4, Abor. A United Bible Societies survey suggests a total Adi-speaking population of 84, in Settlements Villages are usually built on hilltops though in the plains, Abor tend to follow the local practice of building villages on level land. Preference is given to those locations that afford access to a river by a sloping incline on one side and the protection of a very steep decline on the other side.

Houses are built on elevated platforms. They are arranged in rows extending from the top to the bottom of the hill, and are constructed so that the rear side of the house faces the hill itself. Public buildings in a typical village include the moshup bachelors' dormitory , the rasheng single females' dormitory , and granaries.

In older villages, stone walls with wooden reinforcements are found. Major building materials are bamboo, wood, thatching grass, and cane. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The major subsistence activities are hunting, fishing, gathering, agriculture, and barter of surplus crops for basic necessities and luxuries. Slash-and-burn or jhum agriculture is the norm. Forest and undergrowth are cut, dried, and burned, after which seeds are planted. Soil fertility is maintained for a period of one to three years using this method. Agricultural land is graded according to latent fertility, and crops are assigned accordingly.

Eventually they retreated into the highland regions that they cur3. Major crops include rice, five varieties of Job's tears, four types of finger millet, foxtail millet, maize, and namdung Perilla ocimoides, the seed of which is eaten whole or ground. Green vegetables grown include mustard, country bean, pumpkins, white gourds, small onions, soybeans, flat beans, eggplants, bitter gourds, french beans, small mustard plants, potatoes, tomatoes, and enge Colocasia antiquorum.

Fruits grown include jackfruit, oranges, papayas, bananas, and pineapples. Condiment crops are limited to chilies, ginger, and sugarcane. Cotton is the most important of the several fiber crops grown. Finally, tobacco is also raised. Gayals, dogs, pigs, goats, and chickens are the most important of the animals domesticated by the Abor. The Abor do not have a currency of their own with any item of value i. Metal items are valued by the Abor, and the metal cauldron danki imported from Tibet is particularly treasured.

Bamboo, wood, cane, clay, stone, glass, metal, cotton, and wool are used as raw materials. Manufactured items include yarn, woven cloth, personal attire e. Surplus goods are bartered by the Abor in exchange for various necessities and luxury items. Market relationships exist among the Abor themselves and trade routes link them with markets in Nayi Lube Tibet , Along, Pangin, and Pasighat the latter three being in Siang Frontier Division. For example, raw hides and chilies are traded by the Boris in Tibet for rock salt, woolen cloth, raw wool, Tibetan swords and vessels, ear ornaments, and brass bangles.

They exchange salt, iron, and some utensils for other items with neighboring groups. With the establishment of Along, Pasighat, and Pangin as administrative centers, Abor traders from throughout the region come to these towns to barter their goods. In addition to barter, currency is also used as a medium of exchange. While some tasks such as child care and cooking are shared in some cases by men and women, gender-based demarcation of responsibilities is followed in others.

For example, weaving is the province of women, while the cutting and burning of trees and brush for jhum is a male task. Generally speaking, women assume primary responsibility for cooking, maintenance of domestic animals, and the seeding, weeding, and harvesting of jhum fields. Each village has its own territorial boundaries. Within these, the land belongs to the families inhabiting the village. Roy has suggested that clan ownership of land obtains in some older villages, though this is not the general norm.

Lal and Gupta suggested that in Minyong villages, the dominant clan s is are the majority landholder s. Theoretically all land belongs to the village. However, the families that constitute a village have the right to cultivate the land that they claim as their own. Descent is patrilineal. Each of the constituent Abor groups traces its descent from a single mythical ancestor and is composed of a number of clans. These clans are divided into various subclans groups of families that are the basic Abor social unit.

Clan exogamy, strictly adhered to at one time, has become less the norm for the Abor due to population increase and dispersion. Subclans, however, have remained strictly exogamous. Larger divisions may exist between the clan and group levels e. Monogamous unions are the norm, though polygyny is also practiced. Divorce is frequent and easily obtainable. Premarital sexual exploration is encouraged. Freedom of choice in mate selection is the norm, but parentally arranged marriages also occur.

Postmarital residence does not fall neatly into any category, but it seems to be bilocal the newly married couple settling with the parents of either the bride or the groom in the beginning of the union and neolocal after the birth of the first child. In some cases, the youngest son of a family may remain in the home of his father along with his wife and children. The typical unit is made up of a husband and wife, together with their children. However, a number of variations in basic Minyong family composition have been noted.

Absolute authority resides with the male head of the household. Joint families are rare because the allegiance of male and female offspring is transferred, first to the male and female dormitories, then to their own families, as the life cycle progresses. While monogamous unions are the Abor norm, polygynous arrangements are known. Consequently, households with cowives are not rare. The inheritance of all property descends through the male line.

Sons share equally in the real property land of their father's estate. The same is true of the family house, though the youngest son inherits his father's house if he has chosen not to establish his own residence after marriage. The care of the father's widow is the responsibility of the youngest son. All other property owned by the fathersuch as beads inherited from his father, implements used in hunting and warfare, and clothing woven for him by his wife-is divided equally among his sons.

Some of his personal effects though none of real value are used to decorate his grave. Ornaments that a woman brings with her into a marriage and those given to her by her husband remain hers and are inherited by her daughters and daughters-in-law. The chief agents of socialization are a child's parents, the moshup men's dormitory , and the rasheng women's dormitory. In the home, gender-specific roles and responsibilities are introduced by the parents, and children spend their days engaged in household and subsistence activities. After a child is able to crawl, it is placed under the care of its elder siblings.

Once the child has reached adolescence, responsibility for socialization shifts to the moshup and rasheng, where children spend evenings after their round of daily domestic chores is over. The dormitories serve as the training ground for men and women until they are married and are able to establish their own households. Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. The primary allegiance of an individual is to his or her family. The cohesion of larger groups within the society, such as subclans, clans, and moieties, can also be occasioned by disputes and conflicts that threaten one or more of the constituent members of these larger groups.

Among the Abor's primary institutions must be included jhum agriculture, the nuclear family, the moshup, and the rasheng. The anticipated secondary institutions i. Traditionally, social status was achieved through the accumulation of wealth. Today, education and occupation are also viewed as signs of status.

Each village is an autonomous unit whose affairs are administered by a council kebang. Council membership consists of clan representatives and individual village members. Every aspect of village life is governed by the kebang. This includes the mediation of local disputes. Groups ofvillages are organized into bangos, which are governed by a bango council. Disputes between bangos are mediated by a bogum bokang a temporary interbango council made up of bango elders from the same group.

Sources of conflict within Abor society include marital and familial disputes, divorce, theft, assault, and inheritance disputes. The resolution of conflict and the regulation of behavior within the society are the responsibility of the village kebang, the bango council, and the bogum bokang. Order is maintained through a system of customary law that deals with matrimonial and familial affairs, property rights, personal injury, and inheritance.

Provision is made for the use of ordeals when the mediation of disputes by humans proves unsuccessful. Disputes between the Abor and neighboring peoples are no longer resolved by means of armed conflict. Intemal i. Conflict between villages is handled by the bango council and the resolution of interbango conflict is the responsibility ofthe bogum bokang.

Abor religion is characterized by a belief in a host of spirits uyu , both beneficent and malevolent. Of these, the Epom offspring of Robo, father of evil spirits figure prominently. They are the adversaries of human beings who are believed to be the offspring of Robo's primordial brother, Nibo and are said to induce accidents.

The souls of those who have not been properly buried or who died unnatural deaths become rams evil spirits who join the Epom in combat against humanity. Other notable evil spirits include the nipong spirit of a woman who dies during pregnancy and the aying uyu lowland evil spirits whose assaults are directed against men and women of all ages. Among the more important benevolent spirits, Benji Bama controller ofhuman destiny must be noted, and each natural force is believed to possess a spirit that must be held in check through proper personal conduct and the performance of certain rituals.

In addition, the Abor believe in several eternal beings e. The Abor have two categories of religious practitioners: the epak miri diviner and the nyibo medicine man. Through the use of incantations, herbs, divination, and spiritual discernment, they determine which spirits are responsible for their misfortune and appease these malevolent forces through the invocation of a familiar spirit. This spirit possesses the body of the practitioner and assists the soul of the epak miri or nyibo in locating the spirit that must be appeased and in arranging for a suitable propitiatory act of the individual who has been afflicted.

The nyibo establishes contact with the world of spirits by recounting creation stories, while the epak miri utilizes dance and song. No special social significance is attached to either office, though the epak miri is allowed to wear special beads on ceremonial occasions.

Ceremonial activity accompanies the major events in the human life cycle and is also associated with affairs of state, the life of the moshup and rasheng, subsistence activities, warfare, and health care. Song and dance are of great importance on these occasions. The epak miri, who is also the guardian of tribal myths, histories, genealogies, and other traditional lore, is the central figure during these ritual observances. In addition to those artifacts manufactured by the Abors that have a utilitarian or ornamental purpose, tattooing is also practiced by many groups. Abor oral literature includes a number of myths, legends, folktales, traditional ballads abangs , religious ballads ponungs , and political narrations abes.

The recent introduction ofwriting has contributed to an increase in this literature. While musical compositions are few in number, dance is a highly developed art form among the Abor. In traditional Abor thought, sickness is believed to have its basis in the malevolent activity of forces in the spirit world and treatment consists of the ministrations of the epak miri. It is his or her job to ascertain from the spirit world which spirit has been offended and how expiation is to be made.

It is believed that life continues beyond the grave, in a land where each of the uyus has its individual abode. When one dies, his or her soul is taken to the domain of the uyu who was the cause of death. An individual enjoys the same status and life-style that he or she had while alive. For this reason the deceased is provided with food, drink, possessions, and other tools and provisions to ensure comfort in the afterlife.

Bibliography Chowdhury, J. A Comparative Study of Adi Religion. Shillong: North-East Frontier Agency. Duff-Sutherland-Dunbar, G. Abor and Galong. Memoirs of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, 5 extra number. Ffirer-Haimendorf, Christoph von Fiirer-Haimendorf, Christoph von The Apa Tanis and Their Neighbours. Lower Siang People.

Calcutta: Government of India. Roy, Sachin Aspects of Padam-Minyong Culture. Shillong: Notth-East Frontier Agency. Simoons, Frederick J. Simoons Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Although the Agaria are not a homogeneous group, it is believed they were originally a Dravidian-speaking branch of the Gond tribe. As a separate caste, however, they do distinguish themselves from others by their profession as iron smelters. There are other castes of Agarias among the Lohars as well.

The Agaria's name comes from either the Hindu god of fire Agni, or their tribal demon who was born in flame, Agyasur. The Agaria live in their own section of a village or town, or sometimes they have their own hamlet outside of a town. However this may be, in the Bomdila and Tawang subdivisions Monpas form the majority of the population.

All of them speak languages akin to Tibetan, but not all of the local dialects are mutually understandable. Yet, culturally the various groups of Monpas have much in common. They differ fundamentally from such non-Buddhist tribes as Bangnis as the Nishis are called in Kameng , Akas, Mijis, and Khovas, but share the Buddhist heritage of the Sherdukpens.

Most Monpas are high-altitude dwellers, and their economy has far more in common with that of such Himalayan populations as the northern Bhutanese or most Bhotias of Nepal then with the economy of most tribal groups in Arunachal Pradesh. For the cultivation of their level land they use ploughs and bullocks or yak-hybrids, though here and there they also practise slash-and-burn cultivation on hill slopes too steep for ploughing.

Barley, wheat, and buckwheat are their main crops, though in sheltered valleys at an altitude below eight thousand feet rice is also grown. Monpa society is divided into several strata of different social status, but there is no developed system of exogamous clans comparable to that of Nishis, Khovas, or Sherdukpens. Buddhist beliefs and traditions dominate cultural life, and monasteries and nunneries play an important role in the fabric of Monpa society.

But side by side with Buddhist institutions there persists a cult of tribal deities conducted by priests who are openly described as representing an old religion related to the Tibetan pre-Buddhist Bon faith. It is this coexistence of Buddhism with tribal religions which suggests the possibility of a fertilization of local cults by the more sophisticated ideology of Mahayana Buddhism, which was at one time the mainspring of Tibetan civilization.

Anthropologists concerned with India have for some time debated the problem of the distinction between autochthonous tribal groups and Hindu castes. Those speaking of a tribe-caste continuum hold the view that it is impractical to draw a sharp line between tribes and castes, whereas others feel confident of their ability to decide in concrete cases whether a given community should be classified as a tribe or a caste. The notification [1] of tribal groups as "scheduled tribes" by the Indian Parliament clarifies, in most cases at least, the legal position.

Yet there remain borderline cases. Political reasons may motivate a state government to include a particular community in the list of scheduled tribes, whereas in a neighbouring state more resistant to pressure groups the same community may not be notified as a scheduled tribe, and hence may not enjoy the privileges granted to kinsmen on the other side of the state boundary see chapter 8.

Insofar as the tribes included in the foregoing list are concerned, there can be little doubt that they deserve the politically advantageous classification of scheduled tribes. In Arunachal Pradesh the notification of an ethnic group as a scheduled tribe is not of great relevance because in this union territory tribals constitute the majority of the population and power lies in their hands. It becomes important only for those tribesmen who pursue studies or a career outside Arunachal Pradesh and benefit from the reservation of a percentage of places in universities as well as of jobs in government service for members of notified tribal communities.

In Andhra Pradesh, the autochthons are now a minority, even in areas where not long ago they constituted the main population, and the privileges granted to scheduled tribes play a vital role in their struggle for economic and cultural survival. Tribes notified as belonging to the "scheduled tribes" and notified tribal areas are those whose special legal status was established by a "notification" in the government gazette. The co-existence of established states and independent tribal communities living according to their own rules and customs dates back to the earliest times of recorded Indian history.

In an age when the subcontinent was sparsely populated and beyond the limits of centres of higher civilization there were vast tracts covered in forests and difficult of access, populations on very different levels of material and cultural development could live side by side without impinging to any great extent on each others' resources and territories. Even at times of the greatest efflorescence of Hindu culture there were no organized attempts to draw aboriginal tribes into the orbit of caste society.

The idea of missionary activity was then foreign to Hindu thinking. A social philosophy based on the idea of the permanence and inevitability of caste distinctions saw nothing incongruous in the persistence of primitive life-styles on the periphery of sophisticated civilizations. No doubt, there were areas where the infiltration of advanced populations into tribal territory resulted in a closer interaction between aboriginals and Hindus. In such regions, cultural distinctions were blurred, and tribal communities became gradually absorbed into the caste system, though usually into its lowest strata.

Thus the untouchable castes of Cheruman and Panyer of Kerala were probably at one time independent tribes, and in their physical characteristics they still resemble neighbouring tribal groups which have remained outside the caste system. Aboriginals who retained their tribal identity and resisted inclusion within the Hindu fold fared better on the whole than the assimilated groups and were not treated as untouchables, even if they.

Thus the Raj Gonds, some of whose rulers vied in power with Rajput princes, used to sacrifice and eat cows without debasing thereby their status in the eyes of their Hindu neighbours. The Hindus recognized the tribes' social and cultural separateness and did not insist on conformity to Hindu patterns of behaviour, and this respect for the tribal way of life prevailed as long as contacts between the two communities were of a casual nature.

The tribal people, though considered strange and dangerous, were taken for granted as part of the world of hills and forests, and a more or less frictionless coexistence was possible because there was no population pressure, and hence no incentive to deprive the aboriginals of their land. This position persisted during the whole of the Mughal period. Now and then the campaign of a Mughal army extending for a short spell into the wilds of tribal country would bring the inhabitants briefly to the notice of princes and chroniclers, but for long periods the hillmen and forest dwellers were left undisturbed.

Under British rule, however, a new situation arose. The extension of a centralized administration over areas which had previously lain outside the effective control of princely rulers deprived many of the aboriginal tribes of their autonomy, and though most British administrators had no intention of interfering with the tribesmen's rights and traditional manner of living, the establishment of "law and order" in outlying areas exposed the aboriginals to the pressure of more advanced populations.

In areas which had previously been virtually unadministered, and hence unsafe for outsiders who did not enjoy the confidence and goodwill of the aboriginal inhabitants, traders and moneylenders could now establish themselves under the protection of the British administration. Often they were followed by settlers, who succeeded in acquiring large tracts of the aboriginals' land. In chapter 2 the process of land alienation will be illustrated by concrete examples, and it will become apparent that by imposing on tribal populations systems of land tenure and revenue collection developed in advanced areas the government unintentionally facilitated the transfer of tribal land to members of other ethnic groups.

The deterioration of the aboriginals' position, which in many parts of Peninsular India began as early as the middle of the nineteenth century and continued into the twentieth century, occurred despite the fact that many British officials sympathized with the tribesmen and some of the most fervent advocates of tribal rights were found among the officers of the Indian Civil Service.

Yet, the recommendations for reforms contained in numerous reports were seldom implemented in full, and even where they were incorporated in legislation they did not always prove effective. There was only one part of British India where a policy of noninterference and protection enabled the tribal populations to retain their land and their traditional life-style.

In the hill regions of Northeast India which enclose the Brahmaputra Valley in the shape of an enormous horseshoe tribes such as Nagas, Mishmis, Adis, Miris, Apa Tanis, and Nishis were the sole inhabitants of a vast region of rugged mountains and narrow valleys into which the peoples settled in the plains of Assam had never penetrated. A small volume of barter trade between hills and plains was carried on by tribesmen from the foothills, but most of the hill people never set foot in the Brahmaputra Valley. When in the second half of the nineteenth century and during the first decades of the twentieth century the British extended their administrative control over part of the hill regions, they did not encourage the entry of plainsmen, but devised a system of administration which allowed the hillmen to run their affairs along traditional lines.

As late as the s the entire administration of the Naga Hills District, for instance, was in the hands of one deputy commissioner stationed at Kohima and one subdivisional officer, whose headquarters was Mokokchung. With the help of a few clerks and a small force of Assam Rifles, these two officers maintained peace and order in a large hill region where bridle paths were the only means of communications. No plainsman was allowed to acquire land in the hills, and the indigenous system of land tenure was retained virtually unchanged.

This policy protected the hill people from exploitation and land alienation. It is not surprising that the introduction of a much more elaborate and less flexible system of administration in the years following sparked off a great deal of unrest, for tribesmen used to running their own affairs reacted violently to interference from a host of minor officials lacking in understanding of local customs.

Rituals around Sacred Trees in India

This is not the place to discuss the cause of the rebellions of Nagas and Mizos, which at the time of writing have by no means completely ended, but no analysis of the relations between aboriginal tribes and the governments in power can be complete without consideration of at least some of the rebellions by which tribal populations tried to shake off the yoke of those who had invaded their habitat, usurped their ancestral land, and mercilessly robbed them of the fruits of their labours.

Anyone familiar with the oppression and exploitation aboriginals of regions such as the Telengana districts of Andhra Pradesh have suffered at the hands of landgrabbers, landlords, unscrupulous traders. If any of the tribes of Arunachal Pradesh or even of such settled hill regions as the Garo or Mikir hills had been exposed to injustices as severe as those suffered by Gonds, Kolams, Koyas, and Reddis, murder and violence would have been the order of the day, but most of the tribes of the Deccan are on the whole so gentle and inoffensive that extreme provocation is necessary before they take the law into their own hands.

Rebellions of aboriginal tribesmen against the authority of the government are among the most tragic conflicts between ruler and ruled. Whatever course the clash may take, it is always a hopeless struggle of the weak against the strong, the illiterate and uninformed against the organized power of a sophisticated system. There may be loss of life on both sides, but it is always the aboriginals who court ruin and economic distress.

I do not refer here to the past risings of martial frontier tribes whose aims were basically political, but to the rebellions of primitive aboriginal tribes of Peninsular India, such as the Santal Rebellion in Bihar, the Bhil Rebellion in Khandesh, and the Rampa Rebellion in the East Godavari District.

All these uprisings were defensive movements; they were the last resort of tribesmen driven to despair by the encroachment of outsiders on their land and economic resources. As such they could all have been avoided had the authorities taken cognizance of the aboriginals' grievances and set about to remedy them, not as it happened in most cases after the rising, but before the pressure on the tribesmen made an outbreak of violence unavoidable.

The Santal Rebellion of —56, with which we are here only marginally concerned, was mainly an effort to undo the steady loss of land to non-tribal immigrants, but E. Mann, writing in , [1] listed also a number of specific grievances as having caused the Santals to rise against an inefficient and lethargic government, totally inexperienced in dealing with primitive tribes. Among the causes of the rising were: the grasping and rapacious manner of merchants and moneylenders in their transactions with the Santals, the misery caused by the iniquitous system of allowing personal and hereditary bondage for debt, the unparalleled corruption and extortion of the police in aiding and abetting the moneylenders, and the impossibility of the Santals obtaining redress from the courts.

The causes of the Santals' uprising, one of the greatest rebellions in the annals of tribal India, were very similar to the circumstances which led to outbreaks of violence in. An insurrection which occurred in an area now part of Andhra Pradesh involved the Hill Reddis, a tribe whose present situation will be discussed in the following chapter. This uprising occurred in and is commonly known as the Rampa Rebellion, after an area which now falls within the Chodavaram Taluk of the East Godavari District.

At the time of the cession of the Northern Circars by the Nizam to the East India Company, the Rampa country was in the possession of a ruler alternatively styled zamindar, mansabdar , or raja. This feudal lord was not a Reddi, but we do not know how he had originally gained possession of the country and by what means he controlled the independent and elusive hill people.

He appears to have leased his villages to certain subordinate hill chiefs known as muttadar , and from these he received an annual income of Rs 8, per annum, an amount equal to at least Rs , according to the present value of money. This mansabdar was succeeded first by his daughter and subsequently by an illegitimate son. The latter's oppressive rule led to several minor insurrections, but the last straw was an excise regulation forbidding the drawing of palm wine for domestic purposes and leasing the toddy revenue to contractors entitled to collect taxes at their own discretion.

Their illegal extortions and the oppressiveness of a corrupt police were the immediate causes of the Rampa Rebellion in The operation of the civil law of the country was an additional grievance of the tribesmen, whose trustfulness and ignorance of court proceedings enabled traders from the lowlands to make unfair contracts with them, and if these were not fulfilled according to the trader's own interpretation, to file suits against them, obtain ex parte decrees, and distrain as much property as they could lay hands on. The hill people laid the blame for all this injustice on government and government regulations and thought that their only remedy lay in rising against the authorities.

The rebellion started in March with attacks on policemen and police stations in Chodavaram Taluk, and it spread rapidly to the Golconda Hills of Vishakapatnam and to the Rekapalli country in the Bhadrachalam Taluk, which had recently been transferred from the Central Provinces to Madras Presidency. While under the previous administration shifting cultivation podu had been virtually unrestricted, the Madras government trebled the land revenue and excluded the tribal cultivators from certain areas.

Because of these restrictions the Rampa leaders found adherents in the Rekapalli country, and soon five thousand square miles were affected by the rebellion. In the ensuing guerilla war the government forces comprised several hundred police drafted from neighbouring districts, six regiments of Madras infantry, two companies of sappers and miners, a squadron of. Despite these formidable forces the rebellion was not entirely suppressed until November In this context the history of the Rampa Rebellion is relevant for two reasons.

It shows first that aboriginal tribes, even if inherently not of a warlike character, are capable of considerable efforts if driven to extremities, and second that the grievances which had led to the rebellion were basically similar to the injustices and the exploitation under which tribal populations of Andhra Pradesh labour up to this day. In the East Godavari Agency of Madras Presidency the conditions of the tribal populations were considerably improved as a result of the Rampa Rebellion.

The necessity of instituting special methods of administering primitive populations had been forcefully brought before the eyes of the authorities, and steps were taken to protect the aboriginals from the encroachment of outsiders. The various orders passed from time to time with the view of ameliorating the conditions of the tribal population of the East Godavari Agency were ultimately consolidated in legislation known as The Agency Tracts Interest and Land Transfer Act, The regulations of this act formed a model for similar legislation in other tribal areas, and I shall therefore quote some of its main sections.

Even more important were the sections restricting the transfer of land from tribals to outsiders. The relevant section 4 contained the following provisions:. These sections of the Act of should, if fully implemented, have put a stop to all alienation of tribal land, and it is a sobering thought. It is only fair to admit, however, that in the period —47 the condition of the tribal populations in the East Godavari Agency Tract was relatively favourable, and that the massive invasion of tribal land by outsiders occurred after The need for special protection of aboriginal tribes was not confined to the areas notified as Agencies, and in an act known as the Government of India Act, , provided "that the Governor-General in Council may declare any territory in British India to be a 'Backward Tract' and that any act of the Indian Legislature should apply to such Backward Tracts only if the Governor-General so directed.

The legislation of was a forerunner of the Government of India Act, , and the Government of India excluded and partially excluded areas Order, The intention of this provision was to prevent the extension of legislation designed for advanced areas to backward areas where primitive tribes may be adversely affected by laws unsuitable to their special conditions. Though at the time Indian nationalists saw in it a device to retain British control over selected areas, after the attainment of independence the government of India adopted a somewhat similar policy in regard to several territories on the North East Frontier.

The Indian Constitution of also provided for the notification of "scheduled tribes" and their protection by special legislation. Regarding the administration of the scheduled areas the governor of each state which includes a scheduled area is bound to submit a report to the president annually or whenever required. The states periodically prepare lists of scheduled tribes, and these have to be confirmed by parliament. As scheduled tribes are in receipt of various benefits, there has been considerable pressure from backward classes for inclusion in this list, and as late as new additions were proposed by various states and confirmed by parliament.

As this volume is largely concerned with the changing fortunes of tribal populations in parts of Andhra Pradesh which used to be part of H. In contrast to the administration of adjoining provinces of British India, the government of Hyderabad State had not provided for any special privileges for tribal communities. Indeed it was not until the s that the condition of the aboriginal tribes received serious attention from government.

In his foreword to my book The Chenchus vol. This ignorance tends to blind him to the suffering and the loss of land and economic freedom that results in the backward areas when Hindu, Rohilla or Arab cultivators, contractors, traders and moneylenders are allowed freely to exploit the aboriginals. In such records therefore as can be traced of dealings between the governing classes of Hyderabad and the aboriginal and backward tribes little will be found of deliberate oppression or of positive policy. Laissez faire has been the governing principle, but, as everywhere in India, and not least in Hyderabad, laissez faire more than anything else has ruined the aboriginal and turned him into a landless drudge and serf.

In the following chapters we shall see that indifference to the plight of the aboriginals, be they Gonds, Koyas, or Konda Reddis, is as much the usual attitude of the dominant classes of Andhra Pradesh as it was that of the ruling classes of Hyderabad State. Yet today no one can claim the excuse of ignorance. Ethnographic accounts and published reports are found in libraries, and the files of government departments are crammed with reports on conditions in the tribal areas; moreover, administrative action taken during the last years of the Nizam's government pointed clearly to the type of policy which could have prevented the present decline in the aboriginals' fortunes.

But let us return to the situation in the early s when I began the study of the tribal populations of Hyderabad State. At that time there were in the districts of Warangal which then included the present Khammam District and Adilabad large forest areas where tribal communities persisted in relative isolation from more advanced populations. However, these areas had already begun to shrink, and the alienation of tribal land by members of non-tribal communities was an on-going process.

Moreover, the reservation of forests, often decreed with scant regard for the needs of the tribal forest dwellers, had begun to encroach on the traditional habitat of such tribes as Reddis, Kolams, Koyas, and Gonds. There were at that time no officials specifically concerned with the welfare of the tribes and no legislation protecting tribal interests comparable to the Agency Tracts Interest and Land Transfer Act, , of.

The position of the tribes of Hyderabad State was hence rapidly deteriorating. In the course of anthropological research, initially undertaken without any thought of providing data to be utilized in the planning of administrative reforms, I discovered a great many cases of exploitation and oppression of tribal communities and subsequently incorporated my findings in a series of reports submitted to the Nizam's government. Several of these reports were published by the Revenue Department under the title Tribal Hyderabad , with a foreword by W.

Grigson, who held the portfolios of Revenue, Police, and Forest, thus being in charge of the departments most vitally concerned with tribal problems. The very positive reaction of the government to these reports—a reaction one could hardly imagine coming in that form from any minister in —can best be outlined by quoting some passages from Grigson's foreword:. The problems of the Hyderabad aboriginal areas are in kind exactly similar to the problems of aboriginal areas elsewhere in India.

Conditions in fact in the tribal areas of Hyderabad differ only from those in the Central Provinces in that in the Hyderabad areas till recently no determined effort had been made by district officials to keep their subordinates in check and prevent the extortion by them from the aboriginals of mamul, begar, rasad and bribes or to fight the exploitation with their connivance of the aboriginals by cleverer immigrants, such as the Banjara, the Maratha, the Brahman, the Muslim, the sahukar and the vakil , the less scrupulous among whom have long found in the tribal areas a happy hunting ground.

The lessons [of these reports] should also be felt in non-tribal areas elsewhere in the State where villagers suffer from the unchecked oppression of that bad minority of the deshmuks, watandars and sahukars who thereby bring discredit on their order as a whole. The press and political bodies have in recent months drawn attention to such tyrannies in various parts of Telingana. But the tribal areas, where the local bully has the freest scope, are less in the public eye and have less news-value, and the offender there is perhaps more often a subordinate official than a watandar or a sahukar.

In backward forest tracts where men are poor and ignorant and distances great, justice delayed or justice that is not cheap is justice denied. What are needed are touring officers combining executive and judicial powers, able to punish the tyrant or the exploiter on the spot.

Reading these comments thirty-five years after they were written, one cannot help feeling that the problem of the exploitation and oppression of tribals exists today as much as it existed then and that neither sahukars nor minor government officials have mended their ways to any great extent.

As a result of the interest shown by Grigson in the conditions in the tribal areas of Hyderabad State a number of ameliorative measures were taken which in a short time transformed the atmosphere, at least in Adilabad District, where as recently as ten Gonds had been killed in a bloody clash between tribals and policemen.

A detailed account of this mini-rebellion will be given in chapter 2; here it suffices to say that the measures instituted by government soon changed the tribesmen's mood of gloom and despair to one of hope and confidence in the future. A beginning was made in when a scheme for the training of Gond teachers and the establishment of special schools for Gonds see chapter 6 indicated a new concern by government for the welfare of the tribesmen. This was followed by the appointment of a special officer for the tribal area of Adilabad and the allotment of land on permanent tenure patta to numerous aboriginals, both Gonds and Kolams, who until then had no legal titles to the land they and their forefathers had been cultivating, and who therefore had always been liable to eviction on various pretexts.

These administrative measures were followed by the preparation of comprehensive legislation designed to afford protection to tribal populations. It was recognized that rights to land were of crucial importance. Only by placing aboriginals in a position in which they were safe in the possession of their land was it possible to free them once and for all from the threat of economic enslavement by moneylenders and landlords.

Even before legislation recognized the aboriginals' prior rights to land, administrative measures and the instructions given to the officers entrusted with the task of looking after the tribals' welfare brought about a change in the whole attitude to the aboriginals. The extortion of illegal fees which minor government servants, such as forest guards or police constables, used to collect from the villagers was stopped or at least greatly reduced simply by the enforcement of stricter discipline, and, while it was clearly impracticable to eradicate all cases of corruption, a great improvement in the situation was soon noticeable.

By the conditions of the Gonds in most parts of Adilabad District had changed out of all recognition, and a community which used to be seriously under-privileged became suddenly the "most favoured" ethnic group in the region. This department consisted of a number of gazetted officers, as well as of social service inspectors and organizers, all of whom were posted in tribal. Existing special tribes officers, who were in the rank of deputy collector and had been drawn from the Revenue Department, were incorporated in the cadre of the Social Service Department, whereas the more junior posts of inspectors and organizers were filled by graduates with qualifications in social anthropology or sociology.

After gaining experience in administration many of these directly recruited graduates were promoted to gazetted posts and ultimately replaced the special tribes officers drawn from the Revenue Department. The culmination of the entire tribal policy of Hyderabad State was the promulgation of an act known as the Tribal Areas Regulation Fasli A. This regulation empowered the government to "make such rules as appear to them to be necessary or expedient for the better administration of any notified tribal area in respect of tribals and of their relations with non-tribals.

D and the rules giving effect to its provisions were issued by the Revenue Department under the title Notified Tribal Areas Rules Fasli on 16 November A schedule annexed to the Tribal Areas Regulation notified as "tribal" specified villages in Adilabad District plus all the villages of Utnur Taluk, and specified villages in Warangal District plus all the villages of Yellandu Taluk minus 3 named villages and all the villages of the Taluk and Samasthan of Paloncha minus 6 named villages. The schedule described the area to which the Notified Tribal Areas Rules were to apply.

These rules vested the administration of the Notified Tribal Area in the first talukdar collector as agent, in the special social service officer as assistant agent, and in a panchayat to be established by the agent. From among the fifty-five rules applicable to the notified tribal area the following may be quoted as the most important:. Rule 4 The Agent shall be competent to appoint such person or persons as he considers desirable to be members of a Panchayat for such village or villages as he may specify and to entrust to such Panchayat any or all of the duties specified in these Rules.

Rule 5 No court of law or revenue authority shall have any jurisdiction in any Notified Tribal Area in any dispute relating to land, house or house-site occupied, claimed, rented or possessed by any tribal or from which any tribal may have been evicted whether by process of law or otherwise during a period of one year preceding the notification of such an area as a Notified Tribal Area. Rule 6 All suits of proceedings relating to matters covered by rule 5 pending before any court of law or revenue authority on the date of the notification of such area as tribal area shall be transferred to the Agent concerned.

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Rule 8 The Panchayat shall decide all cases in open Durbar in the presence of both the parties and at least three independent witnesses. Rule 10 No legal practitioner shall be allowed to appear in any case before the Panchayat. Rule 11 No legal practitioner shall appear in the court of the Agent or Assistant Agent except with the Agent's permission.

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Rule 13 This rule provides that criminal justice in respect of certain offences in which a tribal is involved shall be administered by the Agent and the Assistant Agent. A number of offences and the relevant sections of the Hyderabad Penal Code are listed. Rule 16 The Agent may authorize a Panchayat constituted under rule 4 to try the following offences in which a tribal is involved as a party, and the Panchayat shall be competent to impose fines not exceeding Rs.

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Rule 26 Civil justice in cases involving the rights of any tribal shall be administered by the Agent, the Assistant Agent and the Panchayat, if any authorised under these Rules, subject to the condition that the Agent shall be competent to exercise the powers of any court subordinate to the High Court. Rule 27 The Panchayat constituted under rule 4 shall be competent to try all cases without limit as to amount in which both the parties are tribals and live within their jurisdiction.

Rule 29 All the proceedings shall be viva voce and the Panchayat shall not be called upon to make either record or registry of their decision. After hearing both parties, and their witnesses, if any they shall pronounce a decision forthwith. Rule 32 Agent and Assistant Agent shall not ordinarily hear suits triable by the Panchayat but they shall have discretion to do so when they think right. Rule 53 No land at present cultivated by a tribal or in respect of which he claims that he has a right to hold it, shall be sold in execution of any decree or order of any civil or revenue court whether made before or after the coming into force of the said Regulation.

Rule 55 The Agent shall be competent to recommend to Government the abolition of Patel and Patwari Watans in any notified tribal area and the appointment of tribal village officers in such area. Anyone familiar with conditions in tribal areas will realize the great benefits conferred upon the tribes of Hyderabad State by these rules. Instead of having to deal with a multitude of officials and depending on the judgements of distant courts whose proceedings were utterly unfamiliar and incomprehensible to them, the tribals were now in the care of officers of the Social Service Department who were sympathetic to their cause and vested with sufficient powers to prevent the alienation of tribal land as well as the exploitation of tribals by unscrupulous moneylenders and others.

The establishment of tribal panchayat backed by the authority of government gave the tribesmen confidence that they could run their own affairs without outside interference. Some of these panchayat , whose proceedings I was able to observe when revisiting Adilabad District in the early s, worked extraordinarily well, and though the rules did not prescribe the keeping of records, cases and decisions were carefully recorded. In one village of Utnur Taluk, Mankapur, which had a powerful and greatly respected headman, such a panchayat , attended by members from several villages, was still functioning in , even though the Tribal Areas Regulation which had invested it with authority had long been repealed.

The Gonds of Adilabad District still speak with nostalgia of the time when the Tribal Areas Regulation was in force and officers of the Social Service Department worked among them, for at that time they were secure in the possession of their land, and exploitation by outsiders had been greatly reduced.

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The presence of officers of the Social Service Department acted as a check even on the high-handedness of forest guards and patwari , who knew that corrupt practices and the extortion of illegal fees would be reported to their superiors. Even after the partition of Hyderabad State in and the merging of the Telengana districts with the Andhra districts in the new State of Andrah Pradesh, the Hyderabad Tribal Areas Regulation of remained in force for seven more years.

Unfortunately for the aboriginals of the Telengana districts, this regulation was repealed in and replaced by the Andhra Pradesh Scheduled Areas Land Transfer Regulation, While the latter regulation also protected the land of tribals, prohibiting any transfer to non-tribals, it did not contain any provision for the maintenance of tribal panchayat , and more importantly stripped the social service officers of the authority and judicial powers with which the Hyderabad regulation and rules had invested them.

The enforcement of the laws prohibiting the transfer of tribal land to non-tribals was now left to the ordinary revenue officials, who had neither the inclination nor the time to concern themselves with the welfare of the tribals. They were also much more exposed to the pressure of vested interest than the officers of the Social Service Department had been. Moreover, the authority of the civil courts, which the. Hyderabad Tribal Areas Regulation had set aside in all cases involving tribal land, was now fully restored, and any non-tribal whose occupation of tribal land was challenged by a revenue official could, and still can, lodge an appeal in a civil court.

The immediate consequence of all these changes was the alienation of large areas of tribal land in several of the taluks of Adilabad District. Some relief to the tribals threatened by non-tribal landgrabbers was subsequently provided by amendments of the Land Transfer Regulation, , enacted in and , which prohibit all transfer of land in scheduled areas, not only from tribal to non-tribal but even from non-tribal to non-tribal, by providing for conducting suo moto enquiries into non-tribal occupations of lands in tribal areas and for the restoration of such land to the tribal owner if the non-tribal is an illegal occupant, and by prohibiting attachment of tribal land in execution of money decrees.

However, we shall see in chapter 2 that despite the absolute ban on transfer of immovable property in scheduled areas to non-tribals from a tribal or non-tribal except in the case of partition or devolution by succession, large areas of tribal land were in fact illegally occupied by non-tribals in the years to Protection of the tribesmen against the alienation of their land, which in Hyderabad State was the cornerstone of tribal policy, seems to have taken second place in the thinking of planners as soon as tribal development was merged with the multisided activities of programmes known as Community Development and extending throughout India as part of the first Five Year Plan, which commenced in Community projects were not particularly geared to tribal needs, and in Andhra Pradesh only one out of four pilot projects covered tribal areas.

In the second Five Year Plan there was a greater concentration on specific tribal areas, and the projects were now renamed Multipurpose Projects. The effectiveness of these projects was assessed in the Government of India Report of the Committee on Special Multipurpose Tribal Blocks, , in which Verrier Elwin played a leading role. This committee found that the programmes lacked a specific tribal bias, with the result that non-tribals residing within the project areas benefited from the funds expended more than the tribals.

Officials in charge of the projects were more concerned about spending the allocated funds, often on inessential and elaborate buildings, than on meeting the urgent needs of the tribals. The committee recommended a change of priorities and emphasized that officials in charge of projects in tribal areas should not be transferred for a minimum of three years.

In addition to the main library, there are three institute libraries, eight faculty libraries and over 25 departmental libraries available to students and staff. Established in with 96 beds, it has since been expanded to over beds and is the largest tertiary referral hospital in the region. Bharat Kala Bhavan is an art and archaeological museum on the campus. Established in January , its first chairman was Nobel laureate Rabindranath Tagore , with his nephew Abanindranath Tagore as the vice-chairman.

The museum was expanded and gained prominence with the efforts of Rai Krishnadasa. It hosts the Krishi Vigyan Kendra Agricultural Science Centre , with focus on research in agricultural techniques, agro-forestry and bio-diversity appropriate to the Vindhya Range region. The RGSC is being developed as a potential hub for education, training and entrepreneurship for youth and women, especially those belonging to tribes and weaker sections of the society.

The campus is being developed by the University with a mission to enrich the lives of the population of the region by extending to them opportunities to engage in lifelong learning and to benefit from the result of research. BHU is organised into 6 institutes and 14 Faculties Streams.

The institutes are administratively autonomous, with their own budget, management and academic bodies. IIT-BHU has 14 departments and 3 inter-disciplinary schools, [36] providing technology education with an emphasis on its industrial applications. Established in , it is one of the oldest engineering institutes in India. The Institute of Science ISc comprises 13 departments covering various branches of modern science, and several inter-disciplinary schools and research centres. Two vocational courses, Industrial Microbiology and Electronics Instrumentation and Maintenance have been introduced in recent years at U.

Bitrex is its annual technical fest and Aakanksha is its annual cultural fest organize every year in the month of February. In , undergraduate degrees were introduced and it was renamed as the College of Agriculture. It was renamed as the Faculty of Agriculture in and was raised to the status of the Institute of Agricultural Sciences in August It is involved in both education and research in agricultural science. It admits students for its programs in medicine through the NEET entrance examination held across India. It also offers graduate and post-graduate programs in Nursing , Ayurvedic medicine , Dentistry and Health Statistics.

It is one of the finest institutes in the country. It produces some of the best physicians and results across the country. There are three faculties viz. Medicine, Ayurveda and Dental Sciences. The institute will cover education about sustainable development developing an awareness of what is involved and education for sustainable development using education as a tool to achieve sustainability. The institute will be dedicated to a better understanding of critical scientific and social issues related to sustainable development goals through guided research.

It was renamed to its current name on 16 December Admission is based on the combined merit acquired by a candidate in CAT , group discussion and interview. The Faculty of Social Sciences offers undergraduate and postgraduate courses in Social science. It was bifurcated from the Faculty of Arts in The faculty holds three chairs, the currently as of [update] vacant Babu Jagjivan Ram Chair for Social Research, commemorating Jagjivan Ram and his contributions, [49] the Dr. Deendayal Upadhyay Chair, established in In the year , Innovation Unit for students i.

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Media and Publishing Unit of Students keep indulging students in a creative way. The Faculty of Visual Arts offers undergraduate and postgraduate courses in applied and visual arts. It was founded in Notable faculty include Arvind Mohan Kayastha. It was established with a grant of INR It regularly organizes training programmes, workshops, Seminars and conferences. Telang in the memory of his father Justice Kashinath Trimbak Telang in Upon his return from the First round Table Conference , Gaekwad wanted a library built on the pattern of the British Library and its reading room , which was then located in the British Museum.

On Malviya's suggestion, he made the donation to build the library on the BHU campus. By , the library had built a collection of around 60, volumes. The trend of donation of personal and family collection to the library continued as late as the s with the result that it has unique pieces of rarities of books and journals dating back to the 18th century. The University has kilometer long fiber optic backbone of Campus wide LAN, connecting all academic and administrative buildings as well as hostels with a well-equipped Computer Centre, providing high end computing and training facilities.

On 21 September a woman reported sexual harassment to the university. She claimed that the university responded by blaming her. The university's administration filed a First information report against hundreds of students. Security officers used violence in an attempt to get protesters to disperse. Various protesters reported injuries. BHU attracts a number of foreign learners. The offline exam is held for seats. The total exam duration is 2 hours with MCQs and the total marks is BHU is a fully residential University with a total of 62 hostels - 41 hostels for male and 21 hostels for female students.

There are 4 separate hostels for international students. These four include an International House Annexe for female students with an intake capacity of Goddess Saraswati is the Hindu goddess of knowledge, music, arts, wisdom and nature. She is a part of the trinity of Saraswati , Lakshmi and Parvati. Alumni and faculty of BHU have gained prominence in India and across the world.

Other famous administrators have included, Sir Sunder Lal , K. Shrimali , Moti Lal Dhar and many others. Tripathi , Shashi P. Karna and Prem Saran Satsangi. Amongst its famous international students are Robert M. Pirsig and Koenraad Elst. Rajam and A. Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses. Home FAQ Contact. Banaras Hindu University Wikipedia open wikipedia design. University in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India. Doctoral students. Uttar Pradesh.