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Full text of "Reevaluating Mozambique."
The majority of Mozambicans live in the countryside. They sell what they can — ground-nuts, maize, cassava, cotton, beans, perhaps some cashew nuts. In their own words the people living in the countryside are camponeses or Mogambicanos. The liberalisation of mar- kets is assumed to liberate the rural producers, enabling them to respond to price incentives and increase their income: Price incentives, and therefore market liberalisation are important to rural poverty reduction.
An appropriate incentive environment for agriculture through the full liber- alisation of agricultural markets [ Each one decides how many machambas to plant each year. It is not controlled by anyone. And we manage to produce. We produce a lot, but the problem is this. We go to sell our produce and receive money, but what we can buy — we can buy vir- tually nothing, it is only enough perhaps to buy a kapulana for our wife, and the husband has to remain as he is, with nothing, only at least giving some respect to his wife.
So he is obliged to go along with that price. He cannot set the price, let us say, in relation to his own blood, the work of his own blood. And so it is him that can establish the price. But these days — this does not happen. The prices are established elsewhere, and so the traders arrive here, and buy, and the campones has nothing to do, is not able to complain.
So in fact we are obliged to sell at whatever price. Whether we like it or not, we have to sell at whatever price. In terms of the prices of the traders, it is very low, in relation to the things we need to buy from the shops. So for someone to buy a bar of soap, for example, which costs 10,M, you have to take a lot of produce, because when you take one kilo it is not enough to buy a bar of soap.
Because the price of a kilo of ground-nut is very low, so you have to take many kilos of ground-nut in order to be able to buy just one bar of soap. And then what about clothes for your wife, clothes for the children, you have to take so much produce. This is our difficulty, here in the countryside. There is no balance between the money and the goods. Someone can sell their ground-nut for 4,M a kilo. Then there will come a time — after the ground-nut is over — the same traders come wanting to buy for 5,M, 6,M.
But after it is over! In towns and cities many Mozambicans live in the bairros surrounding the centre. For those lucky enough to have a regular job in the manufacturing or service sector the wages are generally pitifully low. The problem for the ordinary Mozambican during this post-war period, in urban areas as in the countryside, is how to live, how to get by: The life of the people [ There were no clothes, there was nothing; when this war — when Mozambicans were fighting each other — stopped, in this period now, now there are clothes, in the shops.
But even so, life has become difficult. It is a lack of employment. So — it becomes very difficult: how a person can get by, work things out resolver a vida. There are many there, sitting, who have nothing to do. How to get by, throughout the year, is very difficult. Especially here in Nampula.
Here in Nampula things are really bad. Even if you have a lot, see? These days, the main difficulty is that each person struggles in order to have things. This is what is most difficult — how to have. These days this is the prob- lem, this is the issue. The dif- ficulty of life these days is this. Each person is struggling to have things. But it is not easy to have things these days. Now none of these factories are functioning, as a result first of the war and then as a result of the post-war liberalization.
Then it became Angocaju. I worked all the years, from Nacala to here, for twenty-five years. I even became a mechanic. Second former cashew factory employee: I began to work in Here, in Angoche, when it was Caju de Mozambique. Later I became a security guard. And then I was made redundant — let us say — with nothing. Now, as the factory has stopped working, some are really suffering, they have no means of livelihood. A mechanic!! And so because of this there is no good life. First: Because of this things are bad. I live with nine people at home. I have five children.
Second: There are many people who have their families to look after. I have six children. And so people go to fish, they can fish, but there is no one to buy the fish, because no one has money. There were at least three factories functioning, or two [ It is not normal. There were around 1, people working at the factory — in the beginning, around , it was 4,, but lately only 1 , Now all these people are left with nothing. They go around with empty hands. Second: Things are miserable, because we have to rely on fishing. Artisanal fishing, small scale — not industrialised, mechanised, like Angopeixe [The former fish-pro- cessing plant].
And so this fishing — truly people cannot manage. As you can see — [pointing to the mechanic]. It is like this for most people. This is how things are. So where is the evidence of the much-lauded double-digit economic growth? It is not in the factories, which lie silent with locked gates, leaving workers unemployed and empty-handed.
Is it perhaps in the shining new shops, cafes and restaurants blossoming in the cities? In the shining new Mercedes automobiles, the 4x4 Pajeros and Isuzos parading the pot-holed streets of the city centres?
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In the space of a few months in , two huge new shops opened in Nampula, with enormous glass shop-fronts and marble facing, selling a daunting array of household goods and equipment, tools, and mechanical parts. At the same time a new ice-cream parlour opened, which would have looked at home in any smart European or North American high-street. The vendadores da rua watch from the darkness as 4x4s drive up and well-dressed passengers descend to enjoy an evening ice-cream. Who is it that fills up their brand new Nissan Patrols in the smart BP fore-court?
And where does the money come from? In Maputo the same processes take place but on a larger and faster scale — more hotels, more supermarkets, bigger shopping centres, appearing almost overnight. Their marble and glass facades shine in the sun while, across the pot-holed road, piles of rotting, stinking litter overflow from the old metal bins all over the cracked, broken pavements. Clearly there are some very wealthy people in Mozambique. But what is the source of their wealth? It does not seem to come from production in Mozambique.
Mozambican soci- ety includes within it some exceedingly wealthy people; but it is not a wealthy society. But rich without wealth. In truth, it would be better to call them not rich but well-off. The rich are those who possess means of production. A rich person is one who generates money and provides employment. A well-off person is simply one who owns money. Or who thinks he does. Because, in truth, it is money who owns the person. What they have, they do not keep.
Even worse: what they exhibit as theirs, is the prop- erty of others. It is the produce of robbing and shady deals. They cannot, how- ever, these well-off people of ours, relax and enjoy the benefits of all that they have robbed. They live obsessed by the fear that they could be robbed. The biggest dream of our new-rich is, in the end, very small: a luxury car, some ephemeral cintildncias. But the luxury vehicles are not able to dream very much, jolted by the pot-holes in the streets.
The Mercedes or the BMW cannot fully real- ize their brilliance, occupied as they are with navigating between bulging chapas and pitted roads. The existence of good roads is dependent on a different sort of wealth. A wealth that serves the city. And the wealth of our new-rich was born from the opposite process: the impoverishment of the city and of society.
The political economy of double-digit growth: the growth of wealth and corruption In pursuit of economic growth, since the mid to late s the government of Mozambique has embarked on a programme of structural adjustment and liberalisation. This has included currency devaluation; one of the most exten- sive and rapid programmes of privatisation in Africa; 23 liberalisation of the market internally and externally through the removal of fixed prices and state-controlled marketing institutions and the removal of import and export tariffs; reform of the tax system and property laws to create an environment attractive for private business and, above all, foreign investment.
These include large-scale financial fraud, drug trafficking, money laundering, smuggling, and other forms of organised illegal activity. It is these forms of accumulation that help to account for some of the visible manifestations of extreme wealth alongside growing poverty and insecurity outlined above, which over the past decade have come to be a definitive condition of Mozambican society. Over the past five years or so, increasing evidence has emerged that prac- tices of fraud, organised crime and corruption have become embedded within Mozambican society at a high level. As public criticism and attention mounted so too did a culture of violence and a routine disregard for justice and public integrity, on the part of many economic and political actors.
This tragic murder was only one part of an ongoing struggle between social forces in Mozambican society that has grown up in the con- text of neo-liberal reform. This is a struggle between those seeking to further the collective interests of Mozambican society and those seeking to pursue personal gain with no regard for collective social costs.
And all this has been brought about under the guise of precisely the seductive, technocratic discourse of economic growth and prosperity examined above. The rapid and widespread programme of privatisation, initiated in the mids, enabled foreign investors and members of the Mozambican elite to acquire assets easily and cheaply, with easy access to credit lent to the gov- ernment by international economic institutions but disbursed by commercial banks. Formal investigation into the bank fraud was slow and ineffective.
It transpired that the process had been deliberately delayed and disorganised by members of the Public Prosecution Office, apparently acting to protect the suspects by preventing the case from proceeding and destroying key evidence from the case file. Networks of criminals are involved in sig- nificant levels of drug trafficking, money laundering, trade in stolen cars, and other forms of illegal trade, which are made possible by protection or coop- eration from police and customs officials, who are bought through bribes.
The profits of the Mozambicans involved in the trafficking amount to mil- lions of US dollars each year. Some of this money is spent on items such as houses and luxury cars, but the traffickers also convert large portions of their proceeds into properties and businesses in the legitimate economy to generate profits or to sell at a later stage without arousing suspicion. It is suspected that this money has contributed to the upsurge in the construction of new buildings in Maputo, Nampula and Pemba.
The investment in hotels and tourism is strategic because it is relatively easy to declare more clients than have actually been serviced and thereby disguise profits earned from illicit drug trafficking 9. Most Mozambicans do not have ready access to clean drink- ing water and must walk for over an hour to reach the nearest health unit. On the contrary, it is the normal outcome of neo-liberal reform that is entirely abstracted from the concrete concerns and needs of human societies and con- cerned only about the growth of international capital.
What matters in the current global development era is not the satisfaction of human needs but the satisfaction of international credit ratings. Notes 1 This article draws on research that was funded by the UK Economic and Social Research Council grant numbers R and T and additional support from the University of Sussex, which is gratefully acknowledged.
I thank the following for their various support and discussions which helped in writing this article: Gabrielle Anthmer, Dulce Bastos, Soila Hirvonen, Peki, Phillip Rothwell, Julian Saurin, Carlos Serra, and all those who facilitated my research in Mozambique. Last year GDP grew by We are very proud of our accomplishments in Mozambique. The job creation, the ability to successfully attract new foreign investment, and the ability to sustain real double-digit economic growth has consistently earned Mozambique a place among the top economic performers.
GDP growth for was approxi- mately 1 0 percent, and has averaged in double digits during the past three years. Mozambique becomes the third country to reach this point after Bolivia and Uganda. The result is an effective connection between nations, consumers, vendors, and investors. The minimum wage was enough to buy only Workers of many companies have been unpaid for months. Interview with empregados, Nampula city, 18 June For analysis of the privatisation process see Cramer, and Pitcher. At the time it was said to be motivated by car theft but it is now suspected that he was murdered because of his investigations into money laundering.
On November 29, , there was a failed attempt to assassinate Albano Silva, the chairman of the Legal Council of the Bar Association who was acting as lawyer for BCM investigating the fraud. In July , the Attorney General, Antonio Namburete, was sacked by President Joaquim Chissano, following allegations that he had assisted in undermining the investigation of the bank fraud. The following year under the direction of the new Attorney General Joaquim Madeira a number of corrupt members of the Public Prosecution Office in the capital and the provinces were removed from office.
On 22 November , Carlos Cardoso was murdered as he drove home from work. The key actors in his murder are suspected to have orchestrated the theft of billion meticais from the BCM. This was one of the many instances of fraud and corruption that Cardoso and his newspaper Metical investigated and campaigned about over months. On February 14, , there was an attempt to assassinate Assistant Attorney Albino Macamo, who had been working with Madeira investigating and dealing with corrup- tion in the Office of the Attorney General.
Madeira was convinced that the attempt on Macamo s life was by organised crime. On 19 April , a journalist from Radio Mozambique, Jose Joao, received an anonymous death threat by phone after writing a news item on drug trafficking and illegal imports. On 28 April , a journalist for Mediafiax an independent daily paper was savagely beaten in a Maputo suburb.
As no attempt was made to rob him the motive was suspected to be an attempt to silence his journalist activity. Maputo: Livraria Universitaria. Collier, A. Being and Worth. London: Routledge. Couto, M. Cramer, C. Mozambique Country Strategy Paper. European Parliament Committee on Development and Cooperation. Fauvet, P.
Gastrow, P. Government of Mozambique. The Poverty Reduction Strategy for Mozambique. Hanlon, J. Matsinhe, V. Monteiro, H. Mozambiquefile , various editions. Pitcher, M. Transforming Mozambique: The Politics of Privatization, Cambridge UP. Mitchell Abstract. Orlando Mendes s novel Portagem traces the tragic life of the bi-racial protagonist, Joao Xilim. Using the metaphor of frustrated and empty human relationships, Mendes illustrates the socio-political fragmentation of colonial, Mozambican society on the eve of the war for independence.
Por toda a parte ele encontrou gente que anda a toa, rejeitada pelos brancos e pelos negros. The irreconcilable antagonism between different races and cultures is clearly established by history [ Having rejected an opportunity to pursue a brilliant scientific career in Europe, Mendes opted to return to Mozambique in order to pursue scientific research in the country- side on behalf of the government Araujo Medina Originally written in the s, Portagem gained considerable repute as a realist critique of socio-racial injustices attributed to colonialism.
The bi- racial protagonist, Joao Xilim, is the illegitimate offspring of a Portuguese coalmine owner, Campos, and his African mistress, Kati. Written in the tra- dition of the bildungsroman, Portagem traces the socio-economic and race- related hardships that Joao must endure from childhood to young adulthood. Throughout the text, Mendes portrays a cross-section of Mozambican soci- ety by deploying a heteroglottic variety of authentic-sounding voices.
His strident criticism of the marginalization of some sectors of Mozambican soci- ety due to racial and class constructs surfaces throughout the novel and the ambiguous denouement intentionally leaves the reader with a sense of a tragic and uncertain future not only for the characters but for Mozambique as well. The themes of tragedy and solitude resonate throughout Portagem and arise primarily out of the failure of all intra- and inter-racial relationships.
It is my contention that these frustrated relationships function as a metaphor that sig- nals the fragile and fragmented state of Mozambican society on the eve of the struggle for independence. Since Mendes developed an early interest in Marxism and anti-fascism, an intellectual affinity shared by many of his anti-colonialist compatriots, it stands to reason that the majority of the relational conflicts in Portagem orig- inate in the racial and class structures established by colonialism.
Creating a metaphor out of human relationships is not a new idea. Some scholars, such as Latin Americanist Doris Sommer, typ- ically understand the successful union of otherwise incompatible literary characters as a metaphorical amalgamation of regional, economic and politi- cal differences. Sommer fur- ther posits that both the authors and the readers of these national romances assume an allegorical relationship between the personal and political narra- tives Although Mendes also includes in Portagem the same ele- ments that are representative of Latin American foundational romances, he approaches concepts such as nation and unity as an unattainable goal given the social and political conditions resulting from colonialism.
On the literary level, the reader senses this pessimism through failed human relationships. If, as Frederic Jameson has stated, all third- wo rid texts are necessarily allegorical and should be read as national allegories, then Portagem certainly portrays a bleak image of colonial Mozambique Jameson The novel opens with signs of fragmentation within the family unit with a combative exchange between Alima, an elderly black woman who refuses to leave the land of her birth, the Ridjalembe, and Kati her daughter.
Alima rep- resents a traditional Africa that resists European colonialism. Kati, who sym- bolizes the betrayal of African culture, visits the poor and ailing Alima in order to bring her food, keep her company and ultimately to convince her to abandon Ridjalembe in order to live in the newer settlement of Marandal.
E apren- deste a mim a falar tambem, nao e? This binary opposition of the resis- tant mother Alima and the acculturated daughter Kati is an oblique reference to the Regime do Indigenato, a policy instituted by Salazar, which, according to Allen and Barbara Isaacman, legalized the racial, economic and cultural sub- ordination of most Africans In principle, they enjoyed all the rights and responsibil- ities of Portuguese citizens.
Africans and mulattoes who could not satisfy these requirements had to carry identity cards, fulfill stringent labor requirements, and live outside European areas. These persons, known as indigenas [indigenes], were not considered citizens, and they remained subject to customary law. Ferreira Given the period of political and social turmoil in which Craverinha wrote the poem, it comes as no surprise that the author only emphasizes the marginalization of the bi-racial by the Portuguese and not that by Africans.
In Portagem, Joao Xilim is the bi-racial product of the type of interracial relationship to which Alima alludes. The result of the sexual relationship between Campos and Kati is, of course, Joao. For Kati, there is no possibility of a legitimate, long-term relationship with Campos since her skin color and social class present an insurmountable obstacle. Despite knowing a priori that marriage with Campos is out of the ques- tion, Kati believes their sexual relationship to be advantageous for her despite the obvious imbalance of power in terms of race, class and gender. In her essay on race and film, Dina Sherzer addresses the issues of imbalance of power and the exploitation of the native woman: Sexual policies were really about maintenance of power and domination, the inheritance of White property, and the threat to the homogeneity of the social group.
But, though mixed marriages were discouraged, the sexual exploitation of the native woman was a common practice in colonial society, as native women were frequently used as concubines, servants, and playthings for Europeans. Two important aspects of Portuguese colonialism are at play in these and subsequent scenes in Portagem where the racial and relational dynamics between Africans and white men are concerned.
Lusotropicalism also implies that these colonized women of color passively and willingly entered into sexual relationships with the Portuguese colonizer. Freyre later adds that all Brazilians bear the influence: Da mulata que nos tirou o primeiro bicho-de-pe de uma coceira tao boa.
This is now the second instance where a white man and a woman of color have betrayed Joao. Esteves, a paternal figure, competes with Joao for the attentions of Luisa who, in many ways, is a mother to Joao. In fact, Luisa supports Joao financially since dis- criminatory hiring practices prevent Joao from securing steady and compen- satory employment. This longing for the mother while simultaneously desir- ing to kill the father looms large in the relationships that Joao experiences with Kati and Luisa and metaphorically suggests the desire to abolish colo- nial patrimony in order to restore Mamana Africa to her original purity.
The second important aspect of Portuguese colonialism is the powerlessness of both the woman and the man of color, although the desired body of the former can prove to be an important manipulative tool. Colonialism [ In the first case, the women of color are the objects of desire for both the white, Portuguese men as well as for African men. This is evident in all of the love triangles present throughout the novel.
Furthermore, in all of these love triangles, not only is the woman of color the object of desire but the man of color, particularly the bi-racial, is the object of rejection and betrayal. Before proceed- ing further with the interracial, heterosexual relationships, it is important to point out that even the majority of the homosocial relationships that Joao and other characters experience ultimately end in failure. Homosocial relationships between other African men are equally disastrous, often ending in death or estrangement of some variety.
Joao never experiences a father-son relationship with Campos nor does Mendes elaborate on any details relating to the relationship between Joao and Uhulamo. While serving on a cargo vessel after initially abandoning the Marandal, Joao befriends Jaime, a black sailor who does not know the iden- tity of his father and whose mother is a prostitute.
This homosocial relation- ship is short-lived as Jaime simply disappears and never returns to the ship. Furthermore, while in prison for attacking Luisa for an affair with a Portuguese soldier, Joao meets Izidro, a violent black prisoner who hates and mistrusts Joao because of his racial impurity. The homosocial bond trans- forms from animosity to friendship only when Joao proves his loyalty and Izidro is mortally wounded during a prison riot.
Perhaps the most intimate and promising homosocial relationship that Joao experiences is with the bi- racial fisherman Juza, who later commits suicide upon learning that his mulatto girlfriend, Beatriz, has betrayed him with his white rival, Borges. As we shall see later, the amorous relationship between Juza and Beatriz closely parallels that of Joao and Luisa. Campos calls Joao, whom the former knows to be his illegitimate son, to the big house in order to be a playmate for his legitimate daughter, Maria Helena.
Alem disso, e mulato. Sao mais falsos que os pretos. Maria Helena and Joao soon begin to share a mutual attraction despite the racial and socio- economical barriers that separate them. Circumstances will continue to impede reconciliation between Joao and Maria Helena whose innocent romance is temporarily thwarted by fate for several years. Circumstances once again force Joao to abandon the Marandal for the city. Undeniably, unions between a white woman and a man of color contrast markedly with the inverse scenario.
In a footnote relating to Je suis Martiniquaise , Fanon indicates that the former scenario has a romantic aspect and is based upon an act of giving whereas the latter is often under- stood as violence against the woman of color The fear of the sexually potent Other who is capable of seducing the white woman was often a fear in the European metropolis during the colonial period Scherzer Although Portagem is a twentieth-century novel, the social constructs relating to race and class reveal a mindset that had remained unchanged for nearly a century.
For Maria Helena this brief sexual encounter is much more negative and personally and socially shameful than it is for Joao. Though Maria Helena faults herself for her weakness, she places the majority of the blame on Joao who, in her view, has doubly disgraced her. Consequently, after the mine goes bankrupt she has few options but to marry Esteves.
Though not specifically stipulated in the text, the general theme of the novel, the metropolitan fear of the sexuality of the Other, and the previous dis- crimination of Africans and bi-racials strongly suggest that Maria Helena attributes her unworthiness not simply to the loss of her virginity, but more particularly to the loss of her virginity to a man of color.
In the seventeenth century, the Portuguese crown instituted the system known as the prazo , which was a tract of land given to settler families in Mozambique that they would govern in a feudalistic fashion. The legal heir to the prazo was the eldest daughter who would then have to marry a Portuguese subject born in Portugal. The pur- pose of the prazo system was to ensure the permanence of the settler com- munity in Mozambique and to hinder the accumulation of capital by the Mozambican indigene Mittleman Although the prazo was a feature of early Portuguese colonialism in Mozambique, the feudalist mentality that it created endured for centuries and greatly influenced Mozambican social for- mation.
In Portagem it is clear that social factors such as race, class and feu- dalistic tradition play a key role in preventing the realization of a successful relationship between Maria Helena and Joao. The final series of failed relationships in Portagem occur in the second half of the novel. After his release from prison, Joao manages to rediscover his love for Luisa despite her previous unfaithfulness. Once reunited, Luisa becomes pregnant — a symbolic event that testifies to the sincerity of her contriteness.
However, circumstances, unemployment and forced relocation by white developers trigger the prema- ture birth and subsequent death of their infant daughter. It turns out that Juza becomes the only real friend that Joao has ever known while Luisa and Beatriz share a relationship that could be considered homosocial. During this time, Joao and Luisa have a second child, this time a son whom they name Zidrito, after the black prisoner, Izidro. Names are often symbolic in Portagem as we have already seen with Coxo.
This is also the case with Izidro and Zidrito. It is quite interesting to note that most were martyrs and one of these was an African convert from the Congo whom white colonists beat to death. Even Joao treats Izidro, his former enemy, as a saintly fig- ure. She already has questionable motives for staying with Juza and she thus is a likely candidate for relational betrayal. Only Luisa knows the truth and, ironically, it is she who advocates informing Juza of the betrayal while Joao cautions her to remain silent.
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Without the new skiff and Juza and Beatriz, Joao and Luisa are unable to turn a profit in their fishing venture. Furthermore, Luisa once again becomes pregnant, which soon limits her par- ticipation in the fishing business. O meu nunca me fez nada! Once again, Orlando Mendes addresses the economic effects of Portuguese colonialism in Mozambique.
Forced relocation by white developers, commercial competi- tion with white entrepreneurs and exploitation of all varieties leaves people of color completely at the mercy of the colonizers. Their economic difficulties force Joao to go to the city to find employ- ment.
In their first encounter, Luisa begs Coxo to help them, which he agrees to do. Shortly thereafter, Coxo visits Luisa in her seaside shack and seduces her despite her advanced state of pregnancy. On a subsequent occasion, Coxo once again attempts to seduce Luisa but this time her guilt forces her to resist and cry out for Joao. Like a scene from a soap opera, it is at this precise moment when Joao returns home from the city and discovers what is happening. After giving Coxo a thrashing, Joao insults Luisa, accuses her of betraying him again and he aban- dons her for the last time.
In his absence, Luisa gives birth but both she and her baby soon die from starvation. In Iracema, Moacyr, the product of miscegenation between the Tabajara princess Iracema and the Portuguese conquistador Martim Soares, retains his Otherness but must undergo a process of acculturation in Portugal in order to be acceptable. For Mendes, then, education is the main ingredient necessary to achieve political consciousness and, hence, to successfully implement a united front against colonial hegemony. For, as Benedict Anderson appropriately states, a sense of nationness and national community cannot be separated from political consciousness Without a sense of social and political union, any attempt to articulate a sense of nationness will be thwarted.
Cuba, like Mozambique, was a settler colony in which the colonizers not only occupied all of the positions of importance within the socio-political framework but also exploited the African population. Similar to Martfs project of social unification, in Portagem Mendes intends to suggest that poor education and the marginalization of the African underclass will prevent social and political integration and thus will diminish the likelihood of the successful eradication of Portuguese colo- nialism in Mozambique.
Therefore, it was neces- sary for the anti-colonial intelligentsia to act as a spokesperson for the mar- ginalized underclass. In addition, the substandard level of education among the predominantly African underclass also proved to be an obstacle for the anti-colonialist intelligentsia. Because of this, Orlando Mendes did not direct his literary work at the uneducated masses but rather at the Portuguese colonists. In an interview with Patrick Chabal, Mendes affirmed: Para quern e que nos escreviamos?
Escreviamos evidentemente para os colonialistas. The novel presents the reader with convincing evidence of this inferior level of education in the grammatically incorrect discourses of Joao and his grandmother Alima. Of course, the result of the resistance and suspicion is social and political frag- mentation among the non-elites, both acculturated and non-accuiturated. E a gente e que estamos na nossa terra. So converso com gente dali. Mas, aqui, fora da cidade, as pessoas ainda tern vida pior.
E ha de haver gente que esta farta e anda a pensar que e preciso os negros e os mulatos mandarem na sua terra. One of the many unfortunate features of this sys- tem was to force Mozambican rural dwellers into a subordinate position Saul Additionally, since Joao set up the meeting in the first place, these men are also suspicious of him and they consequently tell him to leave and never come back. What then can the reader conclude from Portagem?
Rather, as a neo- realist novel subtly accentuated with Marxist overtones, Portagem purports to expose and condemn social injustices inflicted by the Portuguese colonizers upon rural, colonized Africans. To unite the voiceless underclass that consisted primarily of the poor and uneducated Africans against the minority bourgeoisie required a minimum level of edu- cation that would lead to the political and social consciousness necessary to confront the colonial hegemony. Similar to the myth of Sisyphus, Mozambique was doomed to repeat the cycle of social and political fragmentation inherited from Portuguese patrimony.
Works Cited Anderson, Benedict.
New York: Verso, Appiah, Kwame. Dominick LaCapra.
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Araujo Medina, Cremilda. Sonha Mamana Africa. Sao Paulo: Epopeia, Ba Ka Khosa, Ungulani. Chabal, Patrick. Vozes Mogambicanas: Literatura e Nacionalidade. Lisboa: Vega, Craverinha, Jose. Manuel Ferreira. Lisboa: Platano Editora, Fanon, Frantz. Black Skin, White Masks. Charles Lam Markmann. For more thoughts on their welfare and lives, read our news feature by Alec Heron on pages 10 and Brazil is also a young democracy made up of many political tribes that are vying for influence, resources and permanence.
So far it has shown only shallow debates that will not question the deep structural issues such as political reform that are required for material change in country. As I mentioned in my last editorial, this edition of Brasil. Observer has another Elections special. Having presented the political system of Brazil and the operation of the National Congress. Now, you can start read the profiles of five of the 11 candidates running for president. The choice of the order has been made according to the ir performance in the polls of voter intention. On pages 12 and 13, you can find out more about Pastor Everaldo and Luciana Genro.
In a few weeks, the streets of Notting Hill will be filled with the sounds and rhythms of the Caribbean. Keep in contact! Tweet us brasilobserver Facebook: Brasil Observer. People who do not appear in this expedient are not authorized to speak on behalf of Brasil Observer. The contents published in this newspaper may be reproduced if properly credited to the author and to Brasil Observer. The two-year countdown to the Rio Olympic Games began on 5 August, with a commemorative ceremony held at the Sambadrome the focal point of Carnival , and a press conference given by local officials, including mayor Eduardo Paes.
Two days before, the International Sailing Regatta held in Marina da Gloria, was the first in in a series of 45 test events that will take place across the city over the next two years. On 28 August, registration for the Volunteer Programme will be opened followed by the tickets and the debut of the mascots for the Olympic and Paralympic Games. Regarding the construction of the essential venues, buildings have started to take shape. In Barra da Tijuca, the laying of foundations for the Olympic Park,is under completion and the first pillar structures can already be seen.
After issuing harsh messages about the delays, the International Olympic Committee is now positioned more pleasant way. The mayor of Rio, meanwhile, said he does not think the city should be compared to London, the last host of the Olympic Games. The passing of the torch from the UK to Brazil and the general increase in collaborative projects and trade does mean that many Brits are also looking forward to the games in Rio. The UK, is already the principal partner for the event and after the success of the London Olympics in and Commonwealth Games held in Glasgow last month, the UK is confirmed as a global leader in organising major sporting events and ensuring a legacy for host cities.
The partnership of the UK and Brazil for sporting events has been going well. Among the success stories are companies that created media centres in the 12 host cities, equipped five Brazilian stadiums with , chairs, provided consultancy for transport planning in nine host cities and implemented IT supplies for 12 cities. Proposals in other areas will also be considered, provided they illustrate strong collaboration between the UK and Brazil and meet the criteria associated with the Official Development Assistance. Selected projects will also be eligible for funding from the Brazilian government.
In relation to the sporting successes of the games, the Brazil Olympic Committee stressed that it is ensuring the best possible conditions for achievement in both the organisation and the performance of Team Brazil. The goal of the COB is to win 13 more medals more than in the last Olympics to obtain a total of at least That number is estimated to put Brazil in the top ten of medal winners for the games. The main aim is to promote the internationalisation of Brazilian culture by supporting the development of the 21st century Brazilian creative industries.
It is hoped that an increased presence of Brazilian artists and entrepreneurs worldwide can be achieved through educational and internships at renowned cultural institutions and through participation in key cultural business events. The first phase aims to enable approximately people to pursue courses both in Brazil and abroad from November to March in areas such as cultural heritage, cultural expressions, performance arts, audio-visual arts and literature.
Interested applicants need to contact the host institution and have their proposed course formally accepted. Although representatives of the Brazilian government have sought to convey tranquillity, evaluating publicly that the impasse should not have serious consequences for the national economy, there is concern that without a solution the dispute could harm foreign trade between the two countries, besides bringing instability to the financial market.
The president - as well as the heads of state of other countries in the bloc reiterated their support and solidarity with the Argentine government. The story originated in , when at the height of the economic and financial crisis faced by Argentina, the government opted for debt default. The American justice system decided in favour of the creditors and the Argentine government had until July 31 to make the payment.
The country chose not to pay — not because it could not afford to. The Argentine government appealed to the International Court of Justice in The Hague, Netherlands, where it filed a complaint against the United States, pointing out that the decision of the American courts violates the sovereignty of Argentina. Until press time, Argentina had few expectations of reaching an agre-. Shortly before an audience with the American judge Thomas Griesa on 8 August, the chief of staff considered that the chances of reversal of the sentence were void.
What kind of impact would that be? Dilma Rousseff reiterated support and solidarity with the Argentine government during Mercosur meeting. Although the situation today is different and not so favourable, I do not believe an immediate impact. Turbulence causes uncertainty, which impacts on the results of businesses. The focal point of this imbroglio is that a fundamental part of the bondholders [of Argentine public debt] accepted the offer of negotiation made by the government. While pointing to an Argentine diplomatic crisis, since there is the involvement of the courts of New York, the American Chamber of Appeals and the Court of The Hague, believe there is not, at least not in the medium term, the possibility that this situation has some consequence in Brazil.
Here one can refer to events occurring on the international scene in the second half of the s, when the crises in Asia and Mexico led to a depletion pattern of funding for peripheral countries, reaching Latin American countries including Brazil. But this was a different external environment than we have today. But on the other hand, one should not ignore the consequences of the crisis. The international situation is still unstable, so we must be wary of a possible reversal of expectations, especially reversals in the market.
Argentina received the backing of the Mercosur countries in the most recent summit of the bloc. Does this decision bring the group to a position of greater sovereignty? I believe that the position of Mercosur regarding the issue is not a surprise. Probably, the position would be different if the proposal was to Argentina to default on these debts, but that is not being done.
Instead, the efforts of the Argentine government headed for a negotiation attempt that does not promote a possible depletion of the public accounts of the country. One could argue against this attempt of the Argentine government, since the financial market instruments are known by those who participate.
You need to be prepared for the game, especially in relation to their rules, if you want to play it. On the other hand, we also know the wickedness of such instruments, such as being ensnared by vulture funds that acquired securities in the market for low sums and now try to get them in a more favourable moment. What we have in the Argentine case is not an attempt to cap, but an attempt to renegotiate within the rules of the game. One can even say that there is some position greater sovereignty of Latin Americans to assume support for countries Argentina, but with little impact from the point of view of the international scene and in the same sense, the economic point of view.
We cannot forget the bonds of dependency that the core countries still maintain with the peripheral countries - especially Latin Americans. For example, the whole issue involving Argentina could be used as a starting point for a discussion on financial market regulation at the regional level. However, this is not done because of the likely impacts that reverberates the international point of view - and not just from a financial standpoint, but also from a commercial point of view, and especially from the diplomatic point of view.
Truth is that Latin American countries do not have the economic strength and political will to promote a possible break with the logic of international markets. This is not always because they do not want, but because the structure of economic and social dependence, historically constructed policy prevents them from walking in that direction. What is possible to discern from the outcome for this story? Two perspectives are open: either accept the funds into the agreement, as part of the lenders have already made, or you can walk to Argentina defaulted.
I do not see much willingness of the Argentine government to promote a new default, since it is already known - in their case, from personal experience the reflexes. If there were such a provision would not be invested many efforts to renegotiate, as has been done. And if the market sees such a position of the Argentine government, then it is difficult to see international pressure to another resolution.
Therefore, I believe that renegotiation is the surest way and should be right in the short term. How did you select the essays for the book? The book selected articles based on a historical, anthropological and sociological viewpoint. We present an overview of the national production of football, thematic ideas accumulated in recent decades, accounts from different departments of postgraduate and in different regions of the country. The book has its own didactic purposes focused on reaching a foreign readership.
Bringing together several contributions that discuss football from a historical view, the book explores how sport has shaped Brazil and how the country developed its own style of football. To what extent do you think football was able to solidify Brazilian national identity? Newspapers, radio and television historically overwrote the construction of the national sentiment associated with football. Effective mediators, journalists, broadcasters and TV presenters knew catalyst of emotions football could represent.
In Brazil, this has founded and maintained the centrality of football over other sports, especially if compared to countries like the United States and France, which have multi-sport traditions. The idea of a vacuum, of football taking the place of the official political and civic symbols is seductive and this was the interpretive hook that proved fruitful to essayists including Gilberto Freyre and Roberto DaMatta, but as a historian I am more cautious to general statements like this.
If football has come to represent the national identity, after the defeat can we say that the nation will go through some existential crisis? Is Brazil still the country of football? Indeed, the unexpected German rout in the semi-finals was a traumatic event, to a certain extent comparable to because of both took place on home soil. Or even the recent elimination in South Africa, when blame was rested on the player Felipe Melo, who, incidentally, is no longer heard of in Brazil. However the presentation of hard data like low attendance to stadium games in Brazil, the low number of local sporting periodicals, low ratings in local leagues, etc.
How do you assess the need for a reformulation in Brazilian football? Can we be optimistic about its direction? The sport directors had a decidedly deaf ear to all these comments and rehired Dunga as coach, a sign that nothing will change in football policy under the command of those who head the CBF. As a writer, former communist and a lucky person, he was saved by the owner of the newspaper, for which he still works for, O Estado de S.
Paulo, and thanks to the man who had talked with the general, Marco Antonio Rocha survived the dictatorship. The radio also informed that other communists were being traced, including himself. Marco called the newspaper office and spoke with the owner, Ruy Mesquita, who suggested he go meet him directly to see how he could help.
I met Marco while he was in London, on holiday with his wife, fellow journalist, Ana Trigo. In this exclusive interview, the writer tells us about the facts that passed in the at times, dark history of his life, and of the Brazilians tortured and murdered by the military regime. Marco recalled the tough times of repression, talks about the death of his colleague and friend Vladimir Herzog, reflected on recent protests in Brazil and the world, and also explains the transition between roles he has undertaken from active communist, during the dictatorship, to honing his craft as a writer for a conservative newspaper.
How do you think your life was shaped by the military dictatorship? I am a product and a survivor of the dictatorship. I was in the Communist Party, as a journalist so the regime rose against me and many others. Did have to use aliases? After , I did. But this was a bit silly because the persecutors had the ability and power to head directly to names and people. Codenames might have worked during the Russian Revolution, but they had no use for us.
When Vladimir Herzog was murdered, his fellow journalist and communists Paulo Markum, Anthony de Cristo, Duque Estrada and Rodolfo Konder were all tortured, how did you avoid the same fate? My connection to Ruy Mesquita and his newspaper, were of the utmost importance because it had supported the coup. While the newspaper broke with the military, it remained in a privileged position, despite being censored for years. As director and owner of the newspaper, Ruy Mesquita helped me when I was arrested. I received orders to present myself in court and Ruy, together with the President of the Union of Journalists at the time, Audalio Dantas, and my wife at the time, Olinda all spoke in my defence.
So I will tell you that from this moment my paper considers you personally responsible for what happens to him. I had to stay a week and respond to interrogation, I was asked to write an entire history detailing my level of involvement and militancy within the party, but nothing happened to me, thanks to Ruy. This case of Vladimir Herzog still shocks people as his killers took such acts as to put him on the gallows to make it appear that he had committed suicide when if fact he was already dead.
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What the photos do not show is that witnesses said his feet were touching the ground. The photographers were members of the Army, and so omitting this was a manipulation of image and just part of their job. Though many saw through the image, it is possible to see that he was placed in a simulated position. The most trouble fact was that Vladimir was not a communist. We all were, but not Vlado, and this is the great irony of his fate.
He was chief of the news programme of TV Cultura and was accused of spread communism through his work in the media. What about your fellow communists, what happened to them? The military used terror with physical and psychological fear to break people down. Were you accused of being subversive? I was accused and later considered subversive because at the time, there was a process in military justice that you were of interest as a suspect for two years. At my trial, I was accused of belonging to the Communist Party, to develop subversive activities and threats to the regime and the established government, under the National Security Act.
The death penalty was stipulated for subversives who were convicted. This was the only time in the history of Brazil in which the death penalty had been established by law, and not against dangerous criminals, but against the political elements who opposed to the regime or thought differently to the system. Despite this legislation, there was not a single recorded case of a conviction resulting in a legally registered execution.
These acts were not those of the military exercising their legitimate power. It was criminal, and the military acted illegally. But still, Brazil seems to lack a clear and rounded political spectrum. Do you agree that there is a lack of an ideology? I agree. The recent protests only identified in widespread popular dissatisfaction with the system of government, the regime, with the gap between politicians and the people, but there is no clear direction of how to fix it.
There is no ideological line or thinking to justify this popular dissatisfaction. This thinking unifies the heads of the military, judges, lawyers who can form a core and once again propose a decisive dictatorial regime in the country. This worries me a bit, despite finding it difficult to see how a new dictatorship would be allowed to form, because the increasing global media makes social problems visible. When you consider what is happening in the Arab world, for example, against the dictators, it seems that the international climate is beneficial to a democratic way.
Today we have an outbreak of political movements, though none have been based on a defined ideology, so it is hard to analyse. Today, as editorialist of O Estado de S. O local da arena ficou bem menor e o Deus dos oceanos vai atacar de forma bem variada. Se aproxime do inimigo e inicie os ataques. Espere inimigos durante a travessia. Use isso para seu proveito doravante. Peirithous pede li- berdade em troca de um arco e flecha. Se ele queria libertar-se do tormento, fizemos isso, concorda? O jogo vai in- dicar um pedestal com um ponto luminoso. Derrote tudo o que se mexer.
Um minotauro vai surgir e tentar atrapalhar. Destrua tudo, ele diz. In- vista contra eles sem piedade. Nele, nosso 4 Gorgon Eye. A rota termina em uma sala circular com uma alavanca no cen- tro. A cena termina com Kratos adquirindo a Blade Of Olym- pus. Espere inimigos surgirem no processo. Felizmente, a primeira batida fez surgir escadas em ambos os lados desse andar. A direita deles, em uma abertura na parede, a 3 Phoenix Feather.
Temos nosso primeiro upgrade da barra de magia. Mova a ela uma vez mais para abrir as algemas da parede. Estaremos no primeiro andar de novo. Algumas harpias tendem a surgir, portanto, elimine-as. Sal- te nele para enfrentar o deus do submundo em pessoa. Como ofensiva, adote Cyclone of Chaos sempre que tiver uma abertura. Mantenha-se na zona 'segura' evitando o solo escuro. Detone os arqueiros durante o processo. Ao cru- zar o portal, estaremos em Espere um centauro surgir no meio da batalha. Siga em frente subindo a rampa da esquerda e outra cena envolvendo Helios vai acontecer.
Assumindo o controle de Kratos, examine a balista arma de guerra e uma criatura vai emergir das sombras. Uma Chimera. Eu costumava odiar esses caras. Cruze o corredor detonando a onda de inimigos e no final, suba a escada de madeira. Tente in- vestir contra a falange e vai entender o que eu digo. De qualquer forma, ignore os escudos inimigos e pegue a es- querda para atrair um ciclope.
Do outro lado, uma cena acontece anunciando sua che- gada ao 'Path of Eos'. Abra-o e colete nosso 6 Gorgon Eye. Siga em frente e salve o progresso se desejar.
A Life, a City and a Case Study of History, Culture, and Ethnomathematics in São Paulo
Use a cor- da e atravesse o penhasco derrotando os inimigos que surgi- rem. Ou, espectros. Um contendo orbs verdes e outro, orbs azuis. Nele, nossa 5 Phoenix Feather. Note a pequena tocha na beirada da ponte.
Mas, estou convicto que seu Kratos vai sobreviver e emer- gir triunfante nas No topo das correntes, estaremos na Vai exis- tir uma corrente ao fundo passando o bloco de cristal. Repare a pare- de de cristal Salve seu jogo no save do lado direito, se desejar, e exami- ne a estrutura no centro da sala. Ocasionalmente, Hermes vai investir contra Kra- tos, aplicando-lhe socos a velocidade da luz Gostei de suas botas Um contendo orbs vermelhos, outro, o 6 Minotaur Horn. No meio dele, uma sirene. Do outro lado do corredor uma escada circular. Cada uma muda o bloco abaixo de Kratos.
Felizmente, uma Gorgona vai surgir. Quando o elevador descer, suba a escadaria circular e examine a alavanca que surgiu na caixa de pandora. Uma ce- na vai rolar indicando que algo impediu a corrente de se esticar. Derrote a dupla de amazonas e siga por ela. Outra coisa. Esse rival vai defender, parry e contra-atacar qnd esti- ver sem capacete. Se aproxi- me e brutalize-o.