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Die Erneuerung der heidnischen Antike. Gesammelte Schriften, 1, 2 Leipzig : Teubner, Science and the Renaissance. An introduction to the study of the emergence of the sciences in the sixteenth century. An annotated bibliography of the sixteenth-century books relating to the sciences in the library of the University of Aberdeen. Poynter , Med. See also 6 HKAmzA. Formerly Humanisme et Renaissance, vol. For a general review of volumes 1—12 by G. Lafeuille see Isis, , 62—4.

Committee on Renaissance Studies. Survey of recent scholarship in the period of Renaissance. First series. Providence, R. I : Johnson and Sanford V. Larkey 39 p. Recent studies in the history of Renaissance science. News, , 53—8. General account of studies concerning science during the Renaissance. Die Amerbachkorrespondenz. Bearbeitet und herausgegeben von Alfred Hartmann. Die Briefe aus der Zeit Johann Amerbachs, — Die Briefe aus den Jahren — W : Aschendorff, A Renaissance illuminated manuscript of Valerius Maximus.

From the library of the Aragonese kings of Naples. Public Libr. New York : Les manuscrits scientifiques d'Arnaud de Bruxelles. Uncatalogued texts in MS. All Souls College 81, Oxford. Ambix, , 7: 34— Scientific and medical incunabula in American librarires. Isis, , —5. The statistics of scientific incunabula.

Isis, , —8. Sarton on scientific incunabula. Isis, , 52— Anonymi logica et quadrivium. Danske Vidensk. Zeitung, , 1: —1. Gleanings from incunabula of science and medicine. Incunabula wrongly dated. Fifteen examples with eighteen illustrations. Isis, , —40 , 18 fig. The scientific literature transmitted through the incunabula. An analysis and discussion illustrated with sixth facs. Osiris, , 5: 41— , ill, 60 facs. Manuscript versus incunabulum. Paris : Presses Universitaires de France, Some unpublished minor works bordering on science written in the late fifteenth century. Speculum, , 85— Desiderata in the cataloguing of incunabula.

Census of fifteenth century books owned in America. Compiled by a Committee of the Bibliographical Society of America. A second census of fifteenth century books owned in the United States, Mexico and Canada. New York : , Go i XVI-go wieku. In Polish ] 58 p. Cracow : Gebethner and Wolff, Department of Printed Books. Catalogue of books printed in the fifteenth century now in the British Museum. Pollard, assisted by A. Esdaile and others. Parts 1—8. London: — Reprinted Fifteenth century books in the Library of Congress. A check list.

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Washington, D. Government Printing Office, Incunabula scientifica et medica. Osiris, , 4: 1— Selected list of some editions of some titles. For a special memoir on the subject see Sarton, George, 6 Ace. Rouse , Speculum, , —41 ;. Katalog der Inkunabeln der Kgl. Neuerwerbungen seit dem Jahre Courbevoie Seine : Anc.

Editions Poulalion, An annotated bibliography … See 6 Ac 6 Ace-by. In Swedish, with Gerrman summary ] Lychnos, , 2: — Fifteenth century editions of Arabic authors in Latin translation. MacDonald presentation volume, p. Princeton, N. J : Princeton University Press, Followed by a note on the earliest printing of Arabic. Benedetto Saminati e il manoscritto della Biblioteca Governativa di Lucca.

Physis, , 2: — A book of drawings, covering a variety of scientific and technological subjects. Horology; astronomical calculations; sundry mechanisms; geometry. Leonardo da Vinci and the beginning of scientific drawing. Kunstchronik, , 7: — Vite di uomini illustri del secolo XV. A cura di Paolo d'Ancona ed Erhard Aeschlimann.

Milano : Hoepli, First published Rome Six wings: men of science in the Renaissance. Bloomington : Indiana University Press, Moot problems of Renaissance interpretation: an answer to Wallace K. Ferguson [ see below]. Ideas, , 26— Ideas, , 3— Towards a more positive evaluation of the fifteenth-century Renaissance. Ideas, , 4: 21— The Renaissance and historians of science. The Renaissance in historical thought: five centuries of interpretation. Boston : Houghton Mifflin, The Renaissance.

A reconsideration of the theories and interpretations of the age. Tigerstedt , Lychnos, , —9. Renaissance and renascences. Kenyon Rev. Renaissance science as seen by Burckhardt and his successors. Symposium on the Renaissance University of Wisconsin, , p. Madison : University of Wisconsin, The study of western science of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Life, , — Lecture delivered in Washington on Jan. The attack on the Renaissance in theology today. English attitudes toward the relationship between the Renaissance and the Reformation. Church Hist.

English treatment of the relationship between the rise of science and the Renaissance, — The self-awareness of the Renaissance as a criterion of the Renaissance. Arts Lett. Japanese version in J. Japan, , 1—9. Robert Recorde and the idea of progress. A hypothesis and verification. Louis Le Roy on science and progress Osiris, , — , 1 fig.

Sul sorgere della scienza moderna. A comment on J. Putman's paper, see below, whose reply appears ibid. Greek scholars in Venice. Studies in the dissemination of Greek learning from Byzantium to Western Europe. Cambridge, Mass : Harvard University Press, Rektor Casmann in Stade, ein vergessener Gegner aristotelischer Philosophie und Naturwissenschaft im De l'origine et de la fin de la science grecque et de l'origine de la science moderne.

Aulus Gellius in the Renaissance and a manuscript from the School of Guarino. The appreciation of ancient and medieval science during the Renaissance — The legacy of Ramon Lull in sixteenth-century thought. Mediaeval Renaiss. Late medieval thought, Copernicus, and the scientific revolution. Ideas, , — Gilbert and the historians. Hypothesis in late medieval and early modern science. Daedalus Amer.

Arts Sci. Renaissance concepts of method. Spitz , Isis, , —8 ;. Ong , Bull. Aesculape, , 4: 42—5 , 10 fig. The origins of William Gilbert's scientific method. Ideas, , 2: 1— With comments by Michael Hoskin. In Polish ] Kwart. Art Quart. Latin versus English: the sixteenth-century debate over scientific terminology.

Volume 2 under:- Melanchthon; Mielot; Scaliger, G. The crescent and the rose: Islam and England during the Renaissance. New York : Oxford University Press, Margoliouth , J. Asiatic Soc. Islam and England during the Renaissance. Moslem World, , — Rabelais et les Suisses.

Conrad Gessners Beziehungen zu einem kroatischen Gelehrten. Gesnerus, , 7: 27— The scholar was Paul Skalich. Rebelais au pays de Brueghel. The correspondence of Father Christopher Clavius, S. Gregorian University. Iesu, , 8: — Englisch-baslerische Beziehungen zur Zeit der Renaissance in der Medizin, den Naturwissenschaften, und der Naturphilosophie.

Gesnerus, , — The struggle for the freedom of the press from Caxton to Cromwell. Andrews University , Renaissance Hum. Bruxelles , p. Der kopernikanische Umsturz und die Weltstellung des Menschen. Eine Studie zum Zusammenhang von Naturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte. Scienza e umanesimo in Gerolamo Fracastoro. Salerno : Spadaforo, Leiden : E. Brill, The waning of the Midlde Ages: a study of the forms of life, thought and art in France and the Netherlands in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. London : Edward Arnold, First Dutch edition Haarlem: Les humanistes et la science. Knowledge and faith in the thought of Cornelius Agrippa.

Kerk en wetenschap iin Vesalius' dagen. In Dutch ] Ned. Jacopo Aconcio. Traduzione di Delio Cantimori. Uomini e dottrine, 2 Roma : Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, Schullian , Isis, , —3 ;. Church , Amer. Science and religion in a [fifteenth century Latin] manuscript at Graz [University Library ]. Speculum, , The scientific revolution and the Protestant Reformation.

Calvin and Servetus in relation to the new astronomy and the theory of the circulation of the blood. Lutheranism in relation to iatrochemistry and German nature-philosophy. L'origine protestante de la science moderne. Lychnos, —7, —8. Royaumont, , p. Bruxelles, —54, 6: — Paracelsus as a literary theme. Ciba Symp.

Summit, N. Two voices: science and literature. Shakespeare and science. A study of Shakespeare's interest in, and literary and dramatic use of natural phenomena; with an account of the astronomy, astrology, and alchemy of his day, and his attitude towards these sciences. Birmingham:Cornish, Lausanne, , p. The discovery of nature in the work of Jacques Peletier du Mans.

Art and science. A study of Alberti, Piero della Francesca and Giorgione. London : Faber and Faber, Old tapestries representing the seven liberal arts. Chronology of events of scientific importance in North and South America in the sixteenth century. Archeion, , — Alonso de la Vera Cruz: the father of scientific and legal study in America. Rare Books, , 5: 1—5 , facs. Prejudice and promise in fifteenth century England. The Elizabethans.

A subject analysis of English imprints for every tenth year from to Huntington Libr. A short-title catalogue of books printed in England, Scotland, and Ireland: and of English books printed abroad, — London: Quaritch for the Bibliographical Society , Scientific glossaries in sixteenth century English boks.

Prereformation scholars. Scotland in the XVIth century. Their writings and their public services. With a bibliogr. Glasgow: Mac Lehose, The thought and culture of the English Renaissance. An anthology of Tudor prose — Introductions by Douglas Bush, Eloise L. Pafort, W. Gordon Zeeveld, Gertrude Annan, W. Campbell, F. Boas, H. Science and religion in Elizabethan England. Johnson , Isis, , —12 ;. The school of night: a study of the literary relationships of Sir Walter Ralegh. Johnson , Isis, , — Il rinascimento francese. Studi e recerche. Studies in the French Renaissance. Bruxelles : Vromant, Inscriptions Belles Lett.

The French academies of the sixteenth century. London : Warburg Institute, Paris: Michel, Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften in Deutschland. Wien Math. Deutsche Studenten in Bologna. See 6 Awi-or 6 Awg-t. Erasmus und der deutsche Humanistenkreis am Oberrhein. Eine Gedenkrede. Br : Dzieje nauki w Polsce w epoce Odrodzenia. In Polish ] 2nd rev. Warsaw : Panstwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, Science and scholarship in Poland up to the close of the XVIth century.

Organon, , 1: 43— In Polish ] p. Archeion, , 41— The civilization of the Renaissance in Italy. Torchbooks, 40, 41 New York : Harper, Giesey , Isis, , 75—6. For original German 14th edition see below. Die Kultur der renaissance in Italien. Ein Versuch. Jacob Burckhardt in Rom. Prolegomena zur Bioigraphie seiner italienischen Wanderjahre unter Verwendung unbekannter Zeitungsberichte Burckhardts. Festschrift Karl Schwarber, p. Basel : Relazione al Congr. Roma, Minerva Med.

Tradition and innovation in fifteenth century Italy. Ideas, , 4: 1— Saggi sulla storia del pensiero publicistico del Rinascimento Italiano. Florence : Vallecchi, The life and times of Gaspare Tagliacozzi, surgeon of Bologna, —, with a documented study of the scientific and cultural life of Bologna in the sixteenth century.

New York : Reichern, Saunders , Isis, , —7 ;. Sigerist , Centaurus, , 2: —1. Continued by an anonymous writer till , with notes by Iodoco del Badia. London: Dent; New York : E. Dutton, German translation 2 vol. Jena: Diederichs, — Geschichte der neusprachlichen wissenschaftlichen Literatur. Bilding und Wissenschaft im Zeitalter der Renaissance in Italien. Leipzig : Leo S.

Olschki, Wieleitner , Isis, , 7: —9. Il pensiero italiano nell'umanesimo e nel rinascimento. Bologna: Cesare Zuffi Editore, — Leonardo und sein Kreis. On the nature and extent of the Italian Renaissance. Italica, , 67— Tavole di cronologia scientifica italiana dal al Archeion, , 23— Tavole di cronologia scientifica italiana dal al , aggiunta. Archeion, , 54—5. The Platonic Academy of Florence.

News, , 14 L — The University of Bologna and the Renaissance. Bologna,new ser. Deutsche Studenten in Bologna — Berlin : Decker, Volume 5 Addenda. Institutions under Bologna [Nominalist Academy]. La corte di Lodovico il Moro. Bramante e Leonardo da Vinci. L'Accademia Fiorentina del Disegno nella storia delle arti e delle scienze. Nuova Antologia, Dic. Luis de Leon. A study of the Spanish Renaissance. Livros antigos portuguezes, —, da Bibliotheca de Sua Majestade fidelissima. Descriptos por S. El-Rei D. London: Maggs, — Society and culture in Spain during its Goldin Age.

El cancionero de Palacio Manuscrito no. Antwerpens gouden eeuw. Kunst en Kultur ten tijde van Plantin. Art and civilization at the time of Plantin. In Dutch ] Catalogue. Archeion, , — ; , — Flambeau, , 6: — Science, Medicine and History. Essays in honour of Charles Singer, 1 , p. London: Oxford University Press, Archeion, , 73—8. Angaben zur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften und der Medizin in Schweden im Archeion, , —5. Archeion, , 64— Sul risveglio del metodo e della pratica sperimentale e sull'opera di Vannoccio Biringuccio.

Drohne - Herbstzauber Hohenlohe, Neuenstein, Öhringen, Indian Summer Germany, Weinberge,

Vannoccio Biringuccio ed il metodo sperimentale. Isis, , 2: 90—9. Contains a bibliography on numismatics. Isis, , 1: —7. Janus, , 21— Methods of measuring. The first explanation of decimal fractions and measures Together with a history of the decimal idea and a facsimile no. Isis, , — , facs. A sixteenth-century decimal system of weights. Isis, , —7. With some questions concerning the use of the marvelous in literature.

Ideas, , 1: — Of ghostes and spirites walking by nyght, [by Lewes Lavater, transl. Dover Wilson and May Yardley. Oxford University Press, for the Shakespeare Association , Zeitung, , 7: —3. Natural magick. Edited by Derek J. Coelestinus's summary of Nicolas Oresme on marvels: a fifteenth century work printed in the sixteenth century. Osiris, , 1: — Romanic Rev. A history of magic … See 6 Ac. Magic and science … See 6 Ac. Berlin Facsimile reprint. Spiritual and demonic magic from Ficino to Campanello. In: Warburg, A.

Die Erneuerung der heidnischen Antike, p. Leipzig : Teubner, Originally published in Sitzungsber. Pagan mysteries in the Renaissance. News, , — Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic tradition. Chicago Press, Debus , Isis, , —91 ;. Bronowski , N. Books, , 3: 3 : 2 , 8— Janus, , —73 ; , 1—26; , — The gentleman of Renaissance France. Cambridge, Mass. Chapter 12 is on superstitions and beliefs, discusses astrology, alchemy, cometary lore, demonology and magic. Franck, Weigel, Paracelse. With a foreword by Lucien Febvre. Mosse , Isis, , —2 ;. Hooykaas , Lychnos, , — Orphic elementes in Italian philosophy of the fifteenth century.

In Swedish, with summary in English [ Lychnos, , — Secularization of wisdom and political humanism in the Renaissance. Essay review of Rice's book, see below. Ficino and Pomponazzi on the place of man in the universe. Ideas, , 5: —6. Studies in Renaissance thought and letters. Storia e Letteratura, 54 Roma : Storia e Letteratura, Tigerstedt , Lychnos, —61, — The Renaissance idea of wisdom. See also essay review by Hans Baron above.

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  8. The classics and Renaissance thought. Mommsen , Amer. The place of classical humanism in Renaissance thought. Ideas, , 4: 59— Augustine and the early Renaissance. Augustine and the Renaissance. The individual and the cosmos in Renaissance philosophy. Translation of the original German edition Berlin: Teubner, , see below. Studien der Bibliothek Warburg, 10 Leipzig : Teubner, Revieweed by Julius Schuster, Arch. A history of philosophy. London : Burns, Oates and Washbourne, Theobaldus Anguilbertus.

    Query no. Isis, , Zur historischen Erkenntnis der Renaissacnce Philosophie. Atti IV Congr. Bologna, , 2 , p. Genoa : Formiggini, Vom Geist des ausgehenden Mittelalters. Zeitung, , 1: 54— La visione della vita nel Rinascimento e Bernardino Telesio. Torino : Bocca, Mieli , Arch.

    The study of the philosophies of the Renaissance. Ideas, , 2: — L'influence des pythagoriciens sur un philosophe italien. Bruxelles, , —8. Publication, 1 Chicago : Institute of Elizabethan Studies, Descartes und die Renaissance. System, space and intellect in Renaissance symbolism. La religione degli umanisti. Bologna : Nicola Zanichelli Editore, Marsile Ficin et l'art. Droz; Lille: Librairie R. Giard, Da Bartolo all'Altusio. La cultura filosofica del Rinascimento italiano.

    Ricerche e documenti. Florence : Sansoni, Bazarov , Bibl. Tigerstedt , Lychnos, , —9 ;. News, , —4. Denker der italienischen Renaissance. Gestalten und Probleme. Basel : Verlag Haus zum Falken, Eight philosophers of the Italian Renaissance. Paris: Champion, Doctrinale Lit. Franziskanische Stud. Guillaume du Vair, magistrat et philosophe. The harvest of medieval theology: Gabriel Biel and late medieval nominalism. Cambridge, Mass : Harvard Univ.

    Press, Moody , Speculum, , 39 ; —7. De l'humanisme au rationalisme. Pierre Charron — : l'homme, l'oeuvre, l'influence. Justus Lipsius. The philosophy of Renaissance stoicism. New York : Liberal Arts Press, Geschichte des Molinismus. Erster Band. Neue Molinaschriften. Florentine Platonism and its relations with humanism and scholasticism. Francesco da Diacceto and Florentine platonism in the sixteenth century. Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati 4 , Letteratura classica e umanistica, 45 p.

    Van Steenberghen transl. Stone , Speculum, , —4. Marco da Benevento und die angebliche Nominalistenakademie zu Bologna — Fulda: Druck der Fuldaer Actiendruckerei, [ ]; for a shorter version see Phil. Belgrade: Impr. Mirototchivi; Paris : Presses Universitaires, Thesis, Columbia Univesity 81 p. Eine literarkritische Untersuchung zur mystischen Theologie des Introduction and notes by J. New York : Pantheon, The infinite in Giordano Bruno. With a translation of his dialogue, concerning the Cause Principle, and One. New York : King's Crown Press, Rawlins , Nature, , Paris: Vrin : Toleranz und Intoleranz im Zeitalter der Reformation.

    Leipzig: J. Hinrichs, Mittelalters, , no. Adversity's noblemen. The Italian humanists on happiness. Ramus, method, and the decay of dialogue: from the art of discourse to the art of reason. Apropos of the dialectical works of Johannes Argyropoulos and Giorgio Valla. Averroismo e Alessandrinismo nella logica del Rinascimento. Filosofia, , 15— Imagery and logic: Ramus and metaphysical poetics. Ideas, , 3: — Leone Battista Alberti als Mathematiker.

    Scientia, , —9. Volume 2 under:- Leonardo da Vinci esp. The history of elementary mathematics in the Plimpton Library. Science, , —5. Mostly books printed in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Frau von Beth- mann was an excellent woman. She had found it at first a little difficult to decide to give her hand to Theobald, whose origins were in every way so different, since she herself was a Pfuel, of the old junker family of the Mark — the family of which Theodore Fontane has so many pleasant things to relate in his charming Wanderings in the Marches.

    Once married to Bethmann, however, she became his good and most affectionate wife, and their marriage was a very happy one. I love my husband, and because I love him I wish he could have been spared this test. On 7th August I answered as follows from Norderney a letter in which he had cordially expressed his real grief at my retirement: You touch on the three great questions which, as Chancellor, preoccupied me most. In Foreign Policy it is indeed the task of our generation to consolidate German security and obtain our independence on the seas, without entering, in the achievement of these aims, through a series of mutual misunderstandings, into any major conflict with England.

    To both our countries such a clash would of necessity be fateful, and ominous in the destiny of the world. At home I saw as my chief task the gradual incorporation into the monarchist and nationalist body-politic of the fourth estate, after the fashion in which, a century ago, the third was invited to participate, to the general advantage of our people. Though in this most difficult branch of legislation we are, of course, still in the rudimentary stage, I venture to hope that these beginnings are rich in promise for the future; that our feet are already set upon a path which, now, we shall follow to the end.

    Finally, as our second great task in home policy, I see the work of national em- bankment, by the methods of German colonization, against the Polish deluge which threatens us. It is a duty handed down to us by our fathers, since here it is not merely a question of con- tinuing the work of the Great King, but of the great German thirteenth century colonists.

    This is not merely felt by your friends and admirers. Admittedly Herr von Bethmann is a man of exceptional merit, with many capacities for statesmanship.

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    8. He finds it painfully hard to surmount the rationes dubitandi. His wife once told me of the hours — even days — of painful effort, which he gives to the preparation of a speech. Professor Hermann Oncken, the biographer of Rudolf von Bennigsen, sent me an article he had published on the home situa- tion in Germany. My answer contained the following corrections of various errors, current in Liberal circles, on the objectives of my policy at home : I know that many Liberals have criticized my deliberate and reasoned support of our Agricultural interest — that consideration with which, in several measures, I handled the Conservative Party in so far as it was possible to consider them!

      They were solely due to the fact that, responsible as I was to the country, I felt it to be my bounden duty to safeguard the world-status of our people, attained so late, and at the cost of such heavy efforts. Any hurried transition, made at the expense of her agriculture, to the conditions of a purely industrial, purely commercialized State would, in my opinion, mean to Germany what the shedding of her ballast might mean to a sailing ship, if the masts were raised and full sail hoisted.

      For so long as German Social-Democracy re- mains what it is, unluckily to-day, in the vast majority of its supporters — dogmatic, un-political, anti-national — so long as this dogmatism retains its grip over the minds of most workers in German industry, so long shall we be doubly in need of the counter-weight of our peasant population.

      And while it still seems difficult for Liberals to set to work on practical politics, free of all subservience to theory, we cannot afford to loose that reserve-fund of political energy and experience which Conserva- tives have at their command. On the whole I feel I have given practical proof, both in office and by the fact of my resignation, of how useful and necessary to the State I deemed the collabora- tion of Liberals. Our future depends on our making the Liberals more political, the Conservatives less narrow-minded.

      I may say, en passant, that the recom- pense would have been a very modest one. The following letter from Herr vom Rath, who died soon after my retirement, received by a mutual friend and dated 28th June 1 , may serve to show this despised minor official as a far better judge of men and things than the people in whom His Majesty placed most confidence: Since I live buried in the country I did not hear until to-day that the Chancellor has asked for his dismissal, and that the request is likely to be granted.

      My satisfaction at his having taken such a step was enough at first to dispel even my fears of what may come of it. Yet this latter anxiety is considerable. Who is to inherit the confidence which Prince Billow inspired in all his friends, or the respect he could induce in his enemies? My satisfaction springs from the reflection that I have supported with my name and fullest conviction the home and foreign policies of a statesman who, to the end, remained consistent and sincere.

      The line he took was sound, energetic, and constitutional. They will now be forced into line with the extreme Left Wing, in opposition to the present majority in the Reichstag, while the National-Liberals, so useful to the government as a whole, will in future be shelved, and excluded from legislative action. In the Press Bureau, in the days when I was still a Chancellor, there served a young official. Riezler, who attracted attention by his vivid admiration of myself. I retired, and this boyish enthusiasm was promptly transferred to his new chief, though not until young Dr.

      The Empress Frederick, whose intellect was enhanced by her sense of humour, loved a certain story of how one day as she wandered amid the splendours of Windsor Castle, she had come upon a housemaid in floods of tears. She asked her what was the matter. It is not for love that I feel unhappy. Thank God I can love any man. Riezler, too, was one of those eager people who distribute their affections impartially. It so happened that, in the second year of war Riezler, at a Berlin dinner-table, began talking to a guest from Vienna who, as E art of a general conversation on war and pre-war political literature, egan to observe that, in Berlin, there had been some excellent books written on politics, as well as some extremely stupid ones.

      At last the Viennese asked in all inno It foretells the developments of world-policy precisely as they did not happen. Together with Hans Delbriick he was among those advisers of the Chancellor who urged the resuscitation of Poland, the most lamentable blunder we made after The best thing about him was his wife, the charming daughter of Liebermann the painter. After the November Revolution he at once urged the value of his services, as Chief of Cabinet, on Ebert. The honest Ebert, however, did not find him sufficiently industrious, and had no confidence in his character. He very soon showed him the door.

      Among so many other proofs of real affection and recognition which reached me after my retirement, the following, from Philip Eulenburg, both stirred and filled me with melancholy.

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      I had tried, in so far as it was possible in the limits of my official position, and with the kind help of Dr. Nor, even to-day, should I be writing to you, had I not chanced on a paragraph in the paper, announcing that, within the next few days, you would be going to stay with Alfred in Berne. It filled me with a sudden, violent longing to be back again with my two dear friends, as in the old days.

      The ravine hollow way; i. Hohlweg blocks our view of the horizon. He was destined to see the world through a crevice But beyond that crevice there was only emptiness. But at least I shall be able to tell you a little of all that troubles me concerning you. I will do my best not to say a word about my own fate. You knew me well enough w'hen 1 was happy — enough of my way of thinking and feeling; of my mother, my children and Augusta — to be well aware how things stand with me. I do not think you the kind of friend who would ever forget the ties between us.

      Der Tag is the only paper I ever look at. My present hatred of politics — it almost amounts to a disease — made me choose this non-political newspaper, so as to know more or less what is happening. We both have learned to read between the lines. So that therefore I could follow your course. I consider your retirement a disaster, and have now the sense of being a passenger on a ship captained by a mummer, and whose first mate is really an alpinist.

      The moment is finally upon us which we both foretold with a certain terror. Unless he is forced to do so the captain will never have you back, though one day even that might happen. A certain Max Flirsten- berg is the person chiefly responsible for the present turn of events, in so far as they affect yourself. I have sure information as to that, from a source in his erstwhile Fatherland now grown narrower. Nor can I repress another criticism. It has always surprised me that a mind which knew the Germans so thoroughly should have chosen to work on so reasoned an assumption as the bloc policy.

      Will Germany ever be ripe for such tactics.? You can imagine how, in letter after letter, people have done their best to persuade me to see in you the origin and source of all my misfortunes — all this disaster to me and mine. Many people are really annoyed by the sight of a firm and constant loyalty which will allow nothing to shake it. Only one thing seemed difficult to explain : — the fact that neither the official, nor even the semi-official press, cared to take up the cudgels on behalf of one of the highest German functionaries, and fight scandals, and scandal-mongering newspapers.

      Surely the whole affair from the beginning had resolved itself into a question of power — press or government! And the press won. Just as it won in the November days! Never again will a government be able to re-capture that lost terrain. Harden sent printed accusations into court against me. Out of all these — all of which were exposed for the lies they were — 2 were enough to ruin me. Two wretched lies — out of all that , hatched by my equals, in spleen and envy of me, in order to send them to Harden! Now I am sick to death, so sick that I have scarcely any hope of ever seeing the end of the trial which is certain to clear my name and reputation.

      Surely, by the fact of this proportion — to 2 — the official press was well in the position to have taken up the gauntlet straight away. But no — I have often had to think of your warning that I am one of the best hated people in Germany. Do you really think such things would have been possible under Albedyll or the good old gentleman. But enough of it all! I can only assure you that my thoughts will go with you to Villa Malta, that my mind grows tranquil at the thought of your kind and charming wife.

      May nothing ever shadow her peace, and may my dear, kind Donna Laura enfold you in the bliss of her spirit! How the Princess will love arranging the Villa Malta, and how beautiful it will soon have become! If you feel you can manage to do so please write to me from Rome about your life there.

      I am a dead man. But surely, from time to time, we visit the dead in their graveyards. This long letter has cost me real fatigue, and ner- vous exhaustion. But it has done me good to talk to you again, in the old way, after so long. Now I have said enough. Has the State the duty — has it even the right — I asked myself, to brand abnormal instincts with its infamy? This letter re-awakened all my pity for an old friend endowed by the gods with an unusually charming personality, many generous gifts, and the impulses of genuine nobility, along with this perilous inclination.

      When, at about that time, I received a petition, signed by a number of intellec- tuals, for the abrogation of Paragraph , I had consulted Dr. Renvers on the proper attitude of the State towards such problems. And yet, as a citizen, I protest against setting these two things on equal footing. If the stigma of unnatural vice is removed the moral and physical health of our people will suffer for it. No doubt my own pronounced repugnance at anything in the least unnatural may also have impelled me to this decision.

      I answered Eulenburg: Dear Phili, Your letter, received in Berne, has given me much food for reflection. My feelings towards your dear mother, your splendid wife, are those of the deepest respect. I am heartily concerned for the future of your delightful children. For many years we lived on the closest terms of friendship. How could I, therefore, ever be indifferent to your misfortune.?

      All I could do, within the limits of my duty as Chancellor, I did to prevent those deeply tragic events which, as a man, cut me also to the heart. A very heavy year lies behind me. From my boyhood up I have been in harness, and the last twelve years were a time of uninterrupted strain. Now I must have rest, and the chance to recuperate. I have chosen to settle in Rome because its vast historical perspectives lead on the mind to philosophical thought, and facilitate the study of history which.

      Rome is one mighty past, and so the city can hold herself aloof from to-day. I am reading a great deal. I have always had a particular affection for the classics and here, in the land which formed their cradle, they become more living to me than ever. Goethe once said that he had never really read the Iliad and Odyssey till he could read them on the shores of the Mediter- ranean.

      Bodleian Library, University of Oxford

      I can feel exactly as he did. My mother-in-law is in her eightieth year. Her great age makes her very glad to have her daughter by her side for the short space of life which still remains to her. She has no desire to go into society here. She too can find her peace and consolation for all our disappointments here on earth in such simple pleasures as music and gardening. It was very moving and delightful to see Alfred and his family again. May God protect and give you peace. Your Bernhard B. It is scarcely surprising that many people should have judged Philip Eulenburg guilty since, in all the years until his death, from the breaking off, on grounds of his ill-health, of the perjury proceed- ings against him, he could never summon up the courage to demand the re-opening of his trial although, for this considerable period, he received many visitors at Schloss Liebenberg, all of whom found him fairly well, and most of them in fairly good spirits.

      Personally I had only gradually brought myself to doubt his complete innocence, though my doubts, alas, seemed confirmed by the negative outcome of these proceedings. Prince Max Furstenberg, the owner of Schloss Donaueschingen, who succeeded Philip in the confidence of the Emperor, may certainly have intrigued against me. He never found me sufficiently responsive to the often exaggerated claims and aspirations of his Austrian fatherland.

      This made them insist all the more vigorously on his taking some action against Harden, and so clearing himself of the charge of sexual perversion. Count Boiko Hochberg and Prince Richard Dohna who, as I previously mentioned, had turned against him, in the course of his intrigue against Hofrat Pierson. William II had a streak of simplicity in his character which here again I wish to emphasize since it reconciled us time after time.

      But never again did Tschirschky let me know he was alive, I have already told how, as the Bosnian crisis drew to a head and the November storm began to lower, the Secretary of State, von Schon, took to his bed. When the storm abated and the foreign crisis seemed finally overcome he reappeared upon the scene. This last had made Schon feel so angry as to bring on a severe heart attack. I need scarcely labour this point, though I may add that I gained a sufficient personal insight into the heavy and responsible duties which Your Highness so successfully discharged to feel that you may even experience a certain relief as you look back in peace and tranquillity, free from the daily harassments of office, on all your brilliant achievements.

      Your Highness, I am sure, will understand me if I add a wish that, even in future, you may remain in very close touch with Germany — both with our home but, above all, with our foreign situation — so that neither the Emperor nor the Fatherland need ever finally relinquish your experienced and invaluable counsel. But my main purpose in writing this to Your Highness is to thank you, most honoured prince, and the princess whom I reverence so deeply, from the bottom of my heart for all the kind hospitality you showed me, and so to record the most respectful gratitude I have always felt for such a chief.

      Nor shall I ever cease to be grateful at the memory of this last winter, during the whole of which I was privileged to work under your immediate supervision. I hope that Your Highnesses intend to spend some part of the winter or of next summer in Berlin, and that then, on leave, I may get the chance of giving you both my personal assurance of constant and unalterable gratitude. For the moment this letter must suffice and the knowledge that I am always entirely yours. Yet even this profound and trusty loyalty, this deep and un- shakeable devotion, lasted no longer than was necessary.

      I should like to add, without more ado, that this flight from fallen grandeur has been experienced by many a far better man. What experience Bismarck must have had of it! It was a voluminous publication. Yet, even among my subordinates, there were one or two pleasing exceptions. All good wishes for the future well- being both of Your Highness and the Princess.

      Homines sumus. Yet some of the people with whom the service brought me into contact may certmnly be said to have exceeded the normal measure of ingratitude which is only to be expected on such occasions. Their cases are not typical but instructive. The most striking was that of Gottlieb Jagow. He wrote that he had a younger brother whose health was poor and his means very inadequate but who, none the less, longed to be a diplomat.

      Could I make any use of him as attache.? Soon after this he reported at the Palazzo Caffarelli, where he was welcomed in the friendliest possible fashion, and lived for two whole years as a son of the house. I only had him assigned to such cheap and salubrious posts as he requested — Hamburg, Munich, and later Rome again, as third, second, and first Secretary.

      In , after my fainting fit in the Reichstag, Gottlieb was trans- ferred to the Foreign Office, which wanted to find out how much my little protege really knew. While I was convalescent he came to see me, to tell me how his delicate health was beginning to give way under the strain of the sedentary life and heavy work required in the political department.

      Moreover he was longing to be a Minister. Count Wallwitz, then Minister to the Belgian -Court. Count Monts left Rome, aware that he had made himself impossible there, both to Italians and the German colony, and I suggested Jagow as his successor. I have already admitted stupid mistakes in some of my judgments of other people. To have suggested Jagow for Rome was one of the worst.

      Gottlieb brimmed over with delight when he heard of such undreamed of promotion — from Luxemburg to the Palazzo Caffarellil I had given him the glad tidings before a little dinner to which we invited him. I might even say my hve for Your Highness will never cease as long as I live. It is very delightful to find oneself at the summit , of a career, and my heart is full of gratitude and joy! I cannot tell you how happy and thankful I feel.

      May I ask you to convey my very deep and sincere thanks to the Prince. I do not want to burden him with a letter, since I know that his time is already far too occupied. This heavy winter must have made quite super- human demands on his resistance. I only hope I shall succeed in justifying his confidence. Donna Laura, I am glad to say, seems from her letters, to be in the best of health. For all her eighty years she has kept the fresh alertness of twenty. It is wonderful to think that I shall be seeing her again so soon, and certainly I will do whatever I can for her. I am also very glad to have to tell you that I have better news from Italy of Flotow.

      His letters from Serliri were all so terribly hopeless and depressed. The change of air seems really to have done him good. After my retirement Jagow, who meanwhile had moved to Rome, wrote again to my wife, on 14th July Apart from my personal regret at the loss of such an honoured chief, my feeling as a German makes me ask myself; How will the ship of state be able to do without such a helmsman?

      And you yourself, I ima- gine, will not leave the old Palace in the Wilhelmstrasse, which you made into such a charming home, without at least some regret. The long years for which you have lived in it have brought you many joys and successes, as well as a heavy burden of duties, and the memory of it all will be linked with the thought of such pleasant, happy hours created and shared with many guests.

      I myself was so often permitted to enter your happy circle that, to-day, I must thank you for that also, as I do again with all my heart, as well as for all the many other kindnesses you have shown me. May I beg you to give the Prince my deepest and most heartfelt thanks, together with my great regret at a loss for which we all must suffer.

      I shall never forget my debt to him. One small consolation for these events is the pleasant thought of seeing you again, in the Eternal City, next winter. All Rome is as delighted as I am. With the deepest, most grateful esteem for yourself and the Prince, believe me, honoured Princess Always your obedient Jagow.

      But, alas, all the fervid assurances so feelingly expressed by Gottlieb Jagow did not stand being put to the test in the winter 19 He had been willing enough to take my hand when it could raise him from very modest beginnings to the high rank of ambassador.

      Once risen, in the all-decisive hour, he easily denied the gratitude of which he had been so eager to assure me. Arcades ambo. They had been at school together at the Ritter- akademie in Brandenburg, on the Havel. They had entered diplomacy together, were both equally sickly, and equally nervous about their health. Si quid mea carmina possunt Nulla dies unquam memori vos eximet alvo, Dum domus Aeneae Capitoli immobile saxum Accolet, imperiumque pater Romanus habebit.

      Both, when at the age of nearly fifty, they bowed their necks under the chaste yoke of Hymen, took mates almost equally mature. Jagow led a virgin of forty-one to the altar, Flotow a widow of forty-nine. Jagow, as my Chief of Department, through the last months I was in office, often sorely tried my patience and put to the severest tests that urbanity for which I am so celebrated and with which I have so often been reproached, because he was determined to lose no time and ensconce himself, before my retirement, in some kind of ministerial post. With this in view he made the most convulsive efforts to scare first one and then another Minister from his perch, and so alight on it himself.

      At first he kept an eye on Munich, then occupied by Carl von Schlozer. Schlozer was a nephew of the brilliant Ambassador to Washington, and Minister to the Vatican, Kurd von Schlozer, well known for his historical monograph on the relations between Frederick the Great and Catherine II, and for his history of the German Baltic Province, more famous still for his charming Roman Letters, and most of all for unswerving loyalty to Bismarck, as whose inconvenient subordinate he had once served in St, Petersburg, to become in the end a most useful diplomatic instrument, and to whom he remained true after his fall.

      His nephew, Carl, also pub- lished a very delightful book, the humoresque Aus Dur und Moll. Like his uiicle he was very witty. This led to a scene which might have been taken from a farce. He believed that he could assure his superiors that official circles in Baden, and in particular the Grand Duchess Louise, desired him to retain his post. When Flotow received this letter, to deal with it as my personal representa- tive, he sent me word that the Minister in Carlsruhe was asking to be put on the retired list.

      He, Flotow, would be more than de- lighted to be given a chance of the post. He added that the climate of Carlsruhe, a mixture of Alpine freshness and the warmth of the Rhenish plateau, would be ideal for his very delicate health. I answered that if, to my deep regret, Eisendecher really did want to retire, I should have to give the matter serious thought before I could appoint his successor. Soon after this, on private business, Eisendecher came to Berlin. We had asked him to dine, but I was unable to be present, since a heavy chill had laid me low, and the good Renvers packed me off to bed to sweat it out as quickly as possible, in order to be able to speak in the Reichstag.

      The cause of this was soon apparent, Esendecher had received a wire from Flotow, acting as my Chief of Department, to say that his resigna- tion had been received, and would go through the proper official channels. My wife went in to me at once to explain the matter, and I sent her back with word to Eisendecher that I had not the slightest intention of suggesting his recall to the Emperor.

      I should be delighted to learn that he was willing to continue his valuable service at Carlsruhe. Having missed the last he left Berlin. He is shipped to France. He went to escape the farewell celebrations in my honour. Nor, when I followed him to Norderney, was he part of the crowd which wel- comed me on the landing stage, though most of our other acquaint- ance there had gathered, even the Regierungsprasident of Aurich, Prince Carl Ratibor he later became an excellent Upper President of Westphalia who had come across from the mainland on purpose to be present at my arrival.

      But Flotow appeared that night at dinner and then on one pretext after another stayed with us for nearly a week. Later I was to learn in Berlin that he had remained for the special purpose of sending a daily report, on my habits and attitude, to the capital. To be sure there was not much for him to write except that, in the mornings I stayed in the house and went out riding every afternoon.

      He became very excited, however, when a deputation of Civil servants from Wilhelmshaven appeared in Norderney with an address, assuring me of their loyalty and appre- ciation, and could not even manage to calm down when I thanked these worthy fellows, in a cordial, but entirely non-political speech, assuring them that I, as an old Civil servant, well knew how much our country owes its officials. When Flotow at last had ceased to haunt our villa, returning to Berlin to continue his pursuit of a sinecure, there appeared our first really welcome visitor to Norderney after my retirement.

      This was Walter Rathenau, a man of very unusual gifts, and certainly not without a peculiar distinction of spirit, who now seemed even more interesting than he might have done had I not just been enduring Flotow. Walter Rathenau. I answered that it would give me real pleasure to meet the son of so esteemed a personality as the General Director of the A.

      General Electric Company , and that already I had heard how gifted he was. At that time he was scarcely forty, though he looked older. A most winning personality. His movement, as he approached, was faultless ; the kind of entrance one associates with z. Walter Rathenau soon became our welcome guest. He was always brilliaint, possessed a most unusual faculty of absorbing and adapting any subject, was, above all, unusually ver- satile. Italy still remembers her Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, who flourished in the first spring of the Renaissance. Rathenau was not quite so many-sided, yet he could talk with equal ease and delight of Philo of Alexandria, the Hebrew-Hellenist philosopher whose spirit seemed akin to his; of the latest coup de bourse of the Bleichroders ; of a new technical discovery or a picture by his cousin.

      Max Liebermann. I do not deny that Rathenau may have been too many-sided. On the whole his father, the founder and director of the A. In politics at least Walter Rathenau lacked the sober judgment, tHe. Nor do I feel he would ever have made a statesman. He had personal knowledge of England, Italy, and France. Yet, in spite of it, he often made mistakes, and would waver between an excess of impulsive optimism and the black exaggeration of despair.

      I have known him both the closest friend and bitter enemy of Maximilian Harden. When first we met he was a great admirer of Bernhard Dern- burg, who had introduced us. Treitschke, in Volume IV of his German History, declares that, when Heine quarrelled with Borne, all the worst stinks of the Ghetto were released in great swathes over Germany — and certainly there was no scent of roses when Rathenau got to grips with Bern- hard Dernburg. I cannot endorse it, since I had not enough personal experience.

      It is not to be denied that Walter Rathenau was very ambitious and very subjective; too ambitious and far too subjective to have made a good diplomatic instrument, much less leader. He would soon have mismanaged the Foreign Office. For all his gifts he had been too restless, too individualistic, far too unstable: had had a fresh idea every day, but followed none to its conclusion, and could never allow a project to mature. Above all he had seen events and people in much too personal a light. Hugo Preuss, the author of the Weimar Constitution, whose acquaintance I was later to make, far vainer, with less reason for being so — I will admit that he was inclined to pose, that at times he could be really affected, and was often far too maniere.

      The speech which later he sent me, bound in morocco, was, I may add, a very beautiful one. The purpose of his call was a proof of his real delicacy of feeling. At the time in paying his court to the Chancellor, Wirth, he had said, in some speech or article, that he considered Wirth by far the most notable of the last eight or ten German Chancellors.

      Rathenau seemed most anxious to assure me that he had never meant anything so tactless. I laughed, and soon put him at his ease, and we had a long, and very friendly talk, during which he recalled a remark he had made in the autumn of 1 9 14, as we stood together, at the windows of my suite in the Adlon. If he gets it history will have no meaning. Cheers for Bismarck! Cheers for Kaiser and Fatherland! Cheers for our old and glorious Prussian army! One day we were discussing the editor of a certain Democratic Berlin newspaper with a very extensive circulation.

      Do you know what would happen to me if I were forced to read only that paper for long? The last sight I had of Walter Rathenau was at a garden-party, which I attended with my wife, held in the garden I knew so well, of the villa of the Secretary of State. He seemed overjoyed at our having come, and thanked us again and again.

      There, for the last time, I shook hands with him. The news of his death, soon after- wards, came as a very painful shock. Rathenau had talked to me of his work, while I, in return, had confided many personal and political memories. He was the first who seemed to be really eager to have me begin to write my memoirs. Alas, many things were to happen before I could settle down to the task.

      I feel that I have touched my highest distinc- tion in the esteem and confidence which you place in me. An official act could only externalize the honour, it would have no power to increase it. Life has given me the great happiness of sometimes being able to serve others. But the happiness of accepting kindnesses — the more freely and gratefully, the less I have managed to deserve them — is something which I have learnt from Your Highness.

      That day on which you first received me as a friend was the beginning, for me, of a new epoch. On a very different plane from the above, may I, without in- curring the suspicion of that personality in politics which I have heard you criticize so often, devote some space to a curious obser- vation on the decisions of His Excellency, von Valentini. I do not consider it a mere accident that Herr von Valentini should have ignored the second of my African expeditions. A certain channel of information, whose source I am still unable to locate, though I imagine it not far-from the Colonial Office, has spilt the following drops of explanation.

      Your Highness had approached the Emperor on behalf of certain other gentlemen — among them Privy Councillor Witting — as well as of my insignificant self. The All-Highest did not accede to your suggestions. Is it conceivable that certain other information was collected from His Excellency Dernburg, who thus got to hear of other names? I was very delighted, at Norderney, to notice how well Your Highness seemed, and your kind letter confirms my impression.

      I feel doubly honoured and delighted that the Princess should so graciously have remembered me; that she even joins you in suggesting that I visit you in Rome in the near future. The energy and good health I brought back with me have been sorely taxed these last few days, and did not prove them- selves sufficient to keep me over yesterday in Berlin. I went away into the country. His difference with von Valentini, which he mentions near the be- ginning of his letter, concerned, as had my previous letter to him, the decoration which, shortly before my retirement, I had striven to secure for Rathenau.

      In the previous year, by direct application to His Majesjty, I had procured him the Kronenorden second class. This Order, with the pretty blue ribbon on which it is worn round the neck, had pleased Walter very much. But neither His Majesty nor Valen- tini would agree to this. Finally I must reproduce a letter received from Rathenau by my wife, towards the end of Most esteemed Princess, At last the near approach of Christmas with all its attendant New Year festivities gives me the chance of sending you and the Prince these few words of devotion and respect.

      I am delighted to learn that you have found both peace and good health in the City of classic memories. We in the North, on the other hand, feel much the poorer by your absence. All the zest has gone out of politics. We must trust that they are in the best of hands, though that feeling of abundant vitality which can alone give richness and strength to any work of life or art, is absent from them.

      Caution and reserve, the careful husbanding of our forces, have replaced that freedom of method which made of policy an art : yet such qualities, in themselves. So that once again, policy and government seem threatening to become the poorest, least autonomous, part of the nation, and the private citizen tends again to lose all interest in them, and turns to his profession for an outlet.

      Politics apart, I cannot tell you how much I miss both you and the Prince, nor with what emotions I look back on these last years. Those last delightful days together in Norderney seemed to give me the impression that His High- ness had based a complete equanimity on the sovereign freedom of his thought. I seem unable to free myself from a less dispassionate view of events. May I beg Your Highness to assure him of my. For twelve whole years I had been forced repeatedly to make obser- vations which augured no good to me personally, once the political bond had been removed.

      But there were certain limits which I had decided must not be overstepped. William II, as I never can sufficiently insist, could be amiability itself with anyone whom he happened to like for the moment, and for as long as he continued to do so. In 1 , for as long as I was still in personal touch with him, he never really lost all self-control, but managed to preserve a certain discretion, in the interests of the State, and his own dignity. In the days of the November crisis he had doubtless given free rein to his tongue, in private talks with such people as Theodor Schiemann, Hans Oppersdorff, Eckardstein, and Eugen Roder, to whom he had said many spiteful and very inexact things about me.

      But not until our definite breach did he fling discretion to the winds. All the rancour which had simmered since the November days, rancour whose deepest source lay in his chagrin at my having seen him cut so poor a figure, could at last be given its full vent. At about the same time Roder, the Master of Ceremonies, importuned the deputy, Erz- berger, to sing the same refrain in the Markische V olkszeitung.

      This letter 25th September contained the following; To-day I want to tell you in strictest confidence, of a talk I had on the 20th, in the ancient and historical Kapellensaal of the Albrechtsburg in Meissen with His Majesty. He be- gan to chaff me at once, in his usual hearty, cordial manner. Your Majesty. We went for a ride every day and I was surprised to see what a firm seat he still has. I found Bernhard very alert mentally. But he seemed most hurt at hearing all Your Majesty has been saying about him.

      But he betrayed me at the time of the November crisis. We stood shoulder to shoulder, and he ought never to have admitted in the Reichstag that he considered my behaviour unconstitutional. I can assure you that he did what he thought was right, in the interests of Your Majesty and the dynasty, and that Your Majesty has had no more loyal servant than Bernhard. The people shout for me everywhere. They are on my side all over Germany. All this success speaks in his favour.

      And now it hurts him very much to hear Your Majesty say that at the time, he let himself be influenced by Harden. I know for a fact that Bernhard has never spoken to Harden — never met him; never even seen him. For the last six months Holstein had had Bernhard entirely under his thumb. It was Holstein who really governed Germany. Among other things he seems to forget that I had discussed the whole Daily Telegraph interview beforehand with him at Norderney: that he himself had helped me to correct my plan of campaign, and revised my letter to my grandmother.

      The other day Bernhard seemed more brilliant and full of life than ever. Otherwise we should have parted at once. That was why I let it go on for so long. But the Emperor kept talking to me ex- citedly; trying — it is the only expression to use — to justify him- self, till the king came back a second time, when the Emperor broke off, rather unwillingly, and followed him. I should add, in justice, that he had not been in the least unapproachable. He listened quite quietly to every word I said, and never once seemed annoyed when I contradicted him. All the other people present, among them the Minister, Metzsch, had been watching this long talk with the greatest interest.

      Unluckily I do not possess your wonderful memory, which came in for so much criticism, so that you must content yourself with such rough outlines as I can remember of what passed between us. Valen- tini, with whom I had a few words about our talk, said to me. No one else has such a memory as Prince Billow. I had many other things on the tip of my tongue to say to him. To this letter from my friend Vitzthum I may add that I never met Harden until after I had resigned the Chancellorship.

      Harden had always attacked me sharply, till at last we met, and reached an understanding on various points. It is ridiculous to suggest that in the November crisis he influenced me, or I him. It is well known that Harden was not easy to influence : nor should I have allowed myself to be guided by any publicist, and certainly not by Harden who, quite apart from his violent antagonism to me personally, was politically on an entirely different plane.

      Certainly Harden was on the best of terms with Holstein, just as he was with Walter Rathenau, and with Baron Alfred von Berger, who at the time directed the Deutsches Schausfielhaus, and they were both good friends of mine. The Kreuz-Zeitung and Mdrkische Volkszeitung articles contain- ing the Imperial version of the November crisis, were both, more or less, a restatement of the things His Majesty had said to me at our interview of nth March , and which then I contradicted with so much energy. Even to-day I cannot be quite certain whether William II, in making such extraordinary affirmations, consciously invented or was the mere victim of auto-suggestion.

      His vanity perhaps — his obsessive itch to be in the right — caused him, first to say a thing he knew to be false, and then go on repeating it so often that, in the end, he himself began to believe it. I added that it seemed to me my duty to say plainly that it was against the interests of truth, against those of the country — and, still more, those of His Majesty — to attempt to retrace my resignation to anything that had happened in the November crisis, or to any personal difference with the Crown.

      Schon, in a voice whose embarrassment even the telephone betrayed, implored me not to answer in the press, since such a polemic might gravely injure the dynasty. He was, he assured me, certain that the Chancellor, whom he was going to telephone at once, would be able to arrange things satisfactorily. Whereupon I wrote off a long memorandum to my successor, very moderate in tone but equally definite in substance.

      It contained the following: The Secretary of State at the Foreign Office will have an- nounced to you that I consider it necessary to publish a definite, clear, unambiguous, official dementi of the base suggestions to which I have been exposed for some time past. These accusa- tions spread against me are barefaced and senseless lies. It is untrue that I knew anything at all beforehand of the substance of the Daily Telegraph article.

      In the press of official business, and because I had placed confidence in subordinates, I omitted to read that significant manuscript myself, and was, a few weeks later, amazed and horrified when I saw it reproduced in a Wolff despatch. Besides a number of harmless generalizations on the desirability of improvement in German relationships with England, the article contained an observation on the anti-English feeling prevalent in wide circles throughout Germany which, though in itself also relatively harmless, would better have been left unsaid by the Emperor.

      I had no idea, before seeing the interview in print, that His Majesty had even intended to touch on any of these matters in England; far less had I declared myself in agreement with him, or endorsed such declarations as advisable. While still in office I constantly implored His Majesty to exercise caution and re- straint in all his political pronouncements.

      I was forced to devote a considerable proportion of time and energy to repairing the damage already caused by his former slips and indiscretions. Especially did I beg the Emperor to. I was, therefore, for no instant in doubt that such unusual statements on France and Russia could only be interpreted in England as an attempt to cut across the rapprochement into which Great Britain was entering with these Powers, and that hence the consequences to Germany could not fail to be the reverse of all we wished.

      The very fact of my having read the letter to Queen Victoria mentioned by His Majesty the Emperor, of my having known it to contain only academic and aphoristic remarks on strategy — of no practical value whatsoever for the conduct of any war in South Africa — should go to prove that I could never have advised the All- Highest, in the sense of his statements on the Boer War.

      The Leader

      I cannot remember, in any of my letters to His Majesty, at the time of his English visit in , having made any reference whatsoever to the matters discussed by him in England. I do not believe I ever did so. But this I can affirm most emphatically — that never, on these three aforesaid points, either in writing, by word of mouth, letter, or telegram, did I endorse — nor could I possibly have endorsed — such declarations with regard to them as were later reproduced in the Tiaily Telegraph.

      Let him show me those letters! These attacks to which I am exposed contain many further inexactitudes. It is untrue that in June last I went to Kiel in the hope that His Majesty might refuse my application to resign. On the contrary I was fully determined, in view of the Reichstag situation, to stand firmly by my request to go out of office.

      His Majesty twice refused my resignation and, in doing so, empha- sized his confidence. At the end of a most detailed audience, which he graciously accorded me last March, he again assured me, in the strongest, most cordial terms, of his absolute and un- shakeable trust in me. Again and again His Majesty has addressed me in public; he has visited me and commanded me to Potsdam : in Berlin, Wiesbaden, Potsdam, etc.

      On the day when we took our final leave of him he invited my wife and myself to come to Potsdam for the birthday of Her Majesty the Empress. At Kiel, when I applied for my dismissal, he discussed with me in the friendliest possible manner both the foreign and domestic situations, and the nomination of my successor. In what light will His Majesty appear if all this was nothing but pretence? Now that I have retired I only ask to be spared all unnecessary publicity — to be left to myself, to lead a life of peaceful independence.

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      Yet I feel I have a right to demand the contradiction of such low slanders as would asperse the honour of a man who, with some success, and in circumstances of exceptional difficulty, was for twelve years Minister and Chancellor. Where shall we be if these stories are allowed to go on circulating; if, in the end, I find it impossible to keep silence ; if, perhaps a legal action becomes necessary, and the statements which I am forced to make on oath are opposed to what seem like Imperial declarations?

      Let the Reichsanzeiger be prepared to publish a firm and clear denial; let His Majesty consent to see me in the second half of next October; and, since then I proceed to Rome, the whole miserable business will be at an end. But, for such a dementi to be effective, it must state, with- out any beating about the bush, that the suggestions made in the Mdrkische Volkszeitung, and since embellished in many other semi- official newspapers, are inaccurate on every point, both as regards the Daily Telegraph article and my personal relations with the Emperor.

      I have no doubt that you, my honoured friend, who worked at my side through all the difficult struggles of last winter, will make every effort, in the interests of dynasty and Fatherland, to avoid any further misunderstandings. The above reached my successor at Linderhof, a little rococo Schloss set in the Bavarian Alps, whither the Prince Regent of Bavaria had invited him to shoot a stag.

      Schwartzkoppen was one of the most trustworthy people with whom I have ever had to deal — honourable through and through. He told me afterwards that Bethmann had at first seemed really upset by my letter. It was his duty — not merely as Chancellor, his duty as an honourable man — to speak his mind on the subject to the Emperor and implore.

      The honest Schwartzkoppen was delighted at this decent behaviour of his chief, and said so, modestly but bluntly. Not so Flotow, who, with a face of horror, asked the new Chancellor if he wanted to have to retire at the end of his third month in office. Anything like direct and open championship would be bound to entail an instant breach with the Emperor or, at the very least, would poison at their source all future relationships with His Majesty.

      At the end of certain hesitations Bethmann set his foot on this road. He declared himself fully aware that to retain his responsible post was the first and most sacred of his duties. So that Bethmann-Hollweg, according to the undoubtedly true account of an honest and forthright witness, appears to have be- haved in this instance as he did on the invasion of Belgium, on the extension of submarine warfare, and many another serious decision. Wahnschaffe soon arrived in Norderney. But I am bound to admit that, in this instance, he discharged a commission from his chief in a very proper and loyal manner.

      He told me frankly that he felt the demands excessive which he would have to make on my fealty and patriotic spirit. But he was per- suaded that I, as a good Prussian, would show myself equal to every sacrifice to the Fatherland and Imperial House. My abnegation seemed highly to gratify Bethmann, who had meanwhile returned to Berlin. First, I am very gratified indeed to learn from him that Your Highness is not dissatisfied with the verbal answer you have received to your letter of the 28 th inst. I had never for a moment been in doubt that those very grave considerations which I felt it to be my duty to lay before you, in connection with any eventual public step Your Highness might feel called upon to take, either in the press or in a law court, were the merest reflection of that spirit of loyalty and devotion with which you yourself are so imbued.

      Will Your Highness be equally assured that your demand for the speediest possible ter- mination of a matter as prejudicial to yourself as it is to both Fatherland and dynasty is a standpoint I heartily endorse.? Though lately I have done my very best, as I hope not entirely unsuccessfully, to muzzle a considerable part of the press, and have also tried to open the eyes of several leading politicians, I am in further complete agreement with Your Highness that the matter of your reception by His Majesty is one that must be decided forthwith.

      Yet this can only be done through a personal interview with the Emperor, and, for that, it will be essential to choose a moment when I do not appear to him importunate. Since His Majesty leaves Rominten early to-morrow, and will travel by his usual route to Hubertusstock, via Konigsberg, Cadinen, Marienburg and Langfuhr, I must postpone the inter- view till Hubertusstock — that is to say until the 9th inst. Much as I deplore this postponement, especially in the interests of Your Highness, the first essential is to avoid imperilling the results of my audience by choosing the wrong moment to broach the subject.

      I hope this judgment of the exigencies of a difficult situation is one which Your Highness can endorse. The Emperor is most grateful to Your Highness for all the reserve which you have exercised in face of these deplorable press-attacks, and will be very willing to receive Your Highness, as I suggested. His Majesty intends, in addition to a verbal invitation extended to yourself and the Princess for the birthday celebration of H. It did not, unfortunately, seem possible to select an earlier date, in view of existing arrangements.

      Even prior to this, however, I would consider it an exceptional favour to be allowed a talk with Your Highness. I have certain com- munications which I feel had better be made verbally, regarding my impressions, etc. May I request you to present my deepest respects to the Princess, and believe me Always your devoted Bethmann-Hollweg.

      In obedience to the law of his nature Bethmann made very timorous efforts to quash the slanders spread against me. Yet, at least, that goodwill was not lacking on which, so Schopenhauer declares, the whole of our moral being depends. Herr von Schon was extremely careful to avoid having to take a definite attitude. At that time he was obsessed with the single wish to exchange the post of Foreign State Secretary, a post which made excessive demands on both his industry and capacities, for that of Ambassador in Paris, on which he and his wife cast longing eyes.

      Prince Radolin, how- ever, the Ambassador, did not seem in any way eager to vacate the Embassy in the Rue de Lille. This obstinacy resulted in a struggle between himself and Schon which, soit dit en passant, was to lead to some fairly grave political consequences, under the slack leader- ship of Bethmann. Each competitor kept assuring the French that he was the only man to have in Paris; the man who could best be relied on to influence Berlin to a more accommodating spirit towards French aspirations in Morocco.

      Hammann had written again on my last birthday, saying how much he wished my happiness, how he prayed that the Divine blessing might yield us a rich crop of fresh successes, in the interests of the German Empire. A year of heavy toil lay behind me. By the grace of God I had managed to withstand the severest strain, in full possession of every physical, intellectual, and spiritual power.

      He wished I might remain for ever thus — -the same both humanly and in politics; the same in effort as in success. Later the Kreuz-Zeitung' s editor seemed to realize all the harm he had done.