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  1. Hochschule Material für Prüfungen – Infoboerse
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  3. Die Dialektik der historischen Aufklärung gegen die AfD
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Without unity among the Member States we would become subject to the decisions of others. We cannot be credible and successful in achieving our ideals if we do not overcome the last leftovers of the former east-west divide. We have to get rid of the stereotypes through which we perceive our differences. I believe that beyond differences and geographical boundaries there lie common interests.

We need to communicate, try to understand one another, and perhaps go the extra mile on both sides. There are many positive examples of differences being overcome — to name just two major examples, the rules on the posting of workers and on dual food quality. On the other hand, there is one major issue on which we have failed, on both sides, to communicate — namely, migration. We must work out a solution that can work for everyone. Immigration must be manageable and migration should serve European interests. Yet, we cannot preserve political unity without achieving sufficient socioeconomic convergence and cohesion in the EU.

In other words, we must use prosperity for the benefit of all. We must mitigate the negative consequences of globalisation and prevent tax avoidance by corporations. We have to make them pay taxes consistently in the countries where they really operate and generate their profits.

We have to combat growing inequalities in society and redistribute wealth more efficiently.

The introduction of a European minimum wage would be one way to create social solidarity. My government is particularly committed to the European Pillar of Social Rights, which should provide a strong social dimension in the European Union of the future. Slovakia also advocates fair labour mobility, which will allow our citizens and companies to seize the opportunities of the single market. We therefore welcome the agreement to establish the European Labour Authority and we have already declared our intention of hosting it in our capital. Secondly, we need to be globally relevant.

We need the EU, which plays an important global role, reflecting its economic power. We must take action to unify our forces and increase capacity building in defence. Being globally relevant also means that we should uphold our long-term commitments. We are not an exclusive club. We want to be an inclusive community, open to those who fulfil criteria and even to those who once left.

This is in our strategic interest, as otherwise somebody else will fill the vacuum around us. The EU has to remain the champion in this regard. Thirdly, we need to be honest with our citizens. We cannot promise our citizens a life without problems, hard work and challenges. The EU has no magic wand to solve all problems. However, we can offer our citizens a credible vision of our future, and turn that vision into tangible deeds. We need to make our citizens — above all, young people — feel a sense of ownership. We are the European Union. We need to confront those who tell us otherwise.

Ignoring them or ridiculing them is not the solution. We need to challenge them by facts. The EU is now a large and strong community. It provides us with a collective identity because there is something about the EU that is also personal. However, it does not take away our national or personal identity. Our unity must be a unity of values within the diversity of our national, regional and local cultures. Finally, we need to care about the future. Soon, in the run-up to the European elections, you, the European political parties, will have an opportunity to present a new, realistic vision of our Union.

The European debate has become very lively and intense at many levels, political and civic, national and regional. We cannot be trapped in the status quo and give way to resignation. We have to renew our Union. It is up to us as leaders to find a common path and instruments which citizens can trust and support, because we need freedom, progress and protection in the European Union. We have to find a way of protecting the four freedoms that are at the core of EU integration.

We need an EU-wide debate on what our strategy and aspirations should be for the middle of the century. The EU will certainly have to undergo a major transformation towards a climate neutral economy. We need a transition that is socially just towards our citizens and fair to our businesses. An important issue for the future development of the European economy is that of digitalisation and automation. On the one hand, there is great concern that people will not have enough jobs because robots will replace them.

On the other hand, there is great concern about the lack of skilled workers on the markets. Yet, in the future we shall need even more highly skilled people. The best evidence of this is that the countries with the highest number of robots per job, Germany, South Korea, Singapore, have the lowest unemployment rates. That is more than half the European average and the highest level in Central and Eastern Europe. We should not be afraid of technological change: we just need to adopt smart and responsible policies.

If we want to be honest in our aspiration for the future, we must have the right tools, such as the next Multiannual Financial Framework MFF. While focusing the budget on new challenges, we should not give up on cohesion policy. Calls for its reduction in the next MFF reflect a wrong understanding of the role of cohesion policy. It is cohesion policy that helps rich and poor regions to converge, and contributes to growth even in economically difficult times. I mentioned that we need to speak about our future, but how can we speak about the new MFF without having a clear vision of the European Union?

I think we should do it otherwise. First we have to see where we would like to be in the next five, seven, ten or fifteen years — what are our priorities — and then to decide how big a budget and what kind of budget we need for our priorities. That is the approach which I prefer over the current one. We are always behind. We are facing a digital revolution but we are not able to effect a revolution in the regulatory framework.

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We are trying to regulate something that people are already using, and sometimes we do so in such a way that we over-regulate everything, and then we find ourselves crying that we are not at the same level as the USA or Asia, where the innovation environment is growing up, while we are still divided with 27 or 28 different sets of regulations.

So please, we need to consider some flexible regulatory framework, not to regulate each simple thing that is going on in our lives, because this is not the future in the digital revolution. We need to table only some basic rules and some kind of framework that is flexible enough, because we politicians are not able to act as fast as we need to act. Honourable Members, the European elections are quickly approaching and we need to mobilise our forces to fight against fake news, hybrid threats and cyber-propaganda.

Make people feel the urgency! Talk to them about the importance of the EU for their everyday lives. Make them understand that elections matter: that this is their only opportunity to steer the EU, and that they should not let others speak for them. There is a lot of work ahead of us.

Let me finish my speech with the words of one of the founding fathers of European integration. We have to make changes and make the Union attractive to all: a Union able to learn from its past mistakes in order to prepare itself to embrace the future. Once again, we need a vision of an attractive Union that citizens can trust and support. Ce fut un pas important. Nous devions donc faire des choix, et nous les avons faits. Desde el Grupo del Partido Popular Europeo le agradecemos el tono y el lenguaje empleados. La libertad de prensa es uno de los pilares fundamentales de la democracia y cuando un periodista es asesinado esa tragedia afecta a todas las democracias.

Algo que lamentamos profundamente. Hay una crisis migratoria sin precedentes desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Son problemas para los cuales necesitamos una mayor unidad y, sin embargo, cuando estamos en esa circunstancia, su Gobierno parece apostar justo por lo contrario. El europopulismo es tan peligroso como el nacionalpopulismo. Es el nacionalpopulismo la amenaza mayor. Ihr Land liegt im Zentrum Europas an der Trennlinie zwischen Ost und West — Jahrzehnte lang getrennt durch den eisernen Vorhang und gleichzeitig verbunden durch die Donau, eine der wichtigen Lebensadern Europas.

Das hat auch zu dem bemerkenswerten wirtschaftlichen Aufschwung beigetragen. Doch wo viel Licht ist, ist auch viel Schatten.

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Niemand will Ihr Land belehren. Auch hier ist einiges problematisch zu bewerten. Genauso wenig wie der brain drain, der durch die anwachsende Arbeitsmigration verursacht wird. Es geht um Nachhaltigkeit und nicht um lediglich innenpolitisch motivierte kurzfristige Vorhaben. Das Projekt betrifft uns alle, den Osten und den Westen.

Sie haben schon viel dazu geleistet. I was visiting your country as the Chair of the Rule of Law Monitoring Group, and I went to Slovakia with some critical questions, but it also made me feel that we have a special bond as Europeans. I have a special place in my heart for Slovakia and the Slovaks now. I very much agree with one thing you said, and I think that this is key: there is no Eastern Europe or Western Europe or Central Europe — there is only one Europe.

It is about time for everybody to start feeling that, particularly in Western Europe, where they are still blind on one side. I very much welcome your speech; it shows leadership in Europe. It was a very pro-European and ambitious speech, and it clarifies what ALDE also feels: the European Union needs to be much more than mere technocratic intergovernmental cooperation.

In the world of today, we need a fully-fledged political union to give an answer to all the political challenges that we have, because that is the only way to remain a global leader. Your speech was excellent, but as we all know, true leadership is not in words — it is in actions. Like many countries in Europe and in the wider world, your country is witnessing deep divisions, and forces are pulling it in different directions.

I just referred to my visit as the Chair of the Rule of Law Monitoring Group, and I have seen that there are many positive developments in Slovakia. I have seen that the institutions are strong and that civic engagement is extremely strong in Slovakia, and I commend the Slovak people for that. Many concerns remain, however, and new ones are also emerging. I would urge you to show the same leadership in tackling these concerns, because in a sense you hold the key. You hold the key to the future of the European Union, and the choices that you make will determine not only the future of your country, but also that of the European Union as a whole.

You can show which forces will prevail in the European Union. You have a choice, and this will be a burden on your shoulders, I warn you. You are at the fork in the road. Do you want to join and strengthen the ranks of those who are wrecking the European Union, those who put short-term electoral gains, or even material gains, before the general interest — or worse, the ranks of those who are corrupt, even connected to organised crime?

Or do you want to go down in history as a statesman, somebody courageous and wise in difficult times, who led his country forward, making it a role model for others, a leader in the Europe of the future. So do you choose the old Europe or the new Europe? I hope, and trust, that you will choose leadership for the future, and I shall be very specific. That is crucial for trust in the Slovak authorities.

I also count on you to make sure that the nominations of nine Constitutional Court judges happen very shortly, because the Constitutional Court is effectively not operational. I would also urge you to reverse the changes to the media law, because in practice it means severe restrictions on freedom of speech.

In other words, I have just put a burden on your shoulder and I am asking you to choose. I am counting on your wisdom. You can count on the European Parliament, and I can also pledge my personal commitment in the next period to working with you and with the civic forces in Slovakia to make sure that you can provide this leadership in the European Union. The future of Europe has lots of different, very important, aspects and the one I would like to focus on today is the issue of democracy.

There is of course also advancing the democratic procedures inside the European Union — definitely — but the question right now is also how we deal with Member States who are turning the clock backwards on the rule of law, democracy and civil liberties. Hungary might be the worst example in the whole picture, but we also see a lot of problems in other Member States.

In Slovakia you have the situation where a journalist was murdered because of his investigation into corruption and fraud, and that is something which we need to deal with. We need to make sure it never happens again anywhere in the European Union. So we need to get active on that.

They are European citizens like all of us. This commission would also be able to enact sanctions if necessary. Indeed, we also need to look at the European Union funds because, unfortunately, some governments use them to implement their personal pet projects, to favour certain people or to ensure favourable reporting. But the EU funds also do a lot of good.

EU funds are important all over Europe. So for that we are suggesting that we ask the Commission to take over the distributing element of that whole so that the money still arrives with the citizens and for the benefit of the citizens without being used at the discretion of national government. Mr Prime Minister, you made a very interesting and comprehensive speech about all sorts of aspects, but you also underlined the issue of unity and understanding. I think that is very important indeed and we count on you to promote those ideas, also in the Council, which is being difficult and blocking a lot of initiatives that also come from this House.

We also count on you to implement all of those issues and promote democracy and the rule of law in Slovakia. The issue of press freedom has been mentioned. This is very important. Addressing fraud and corruption is not an easy task anywhere, but it needs to be done. There have been examples in Slovakia of how urgent that matter is. I think the help of Europol will be important in that. Pone Premjere, buvau, esu ir liksiu Lietuvos pilietis. Reikia tartis, o ne valdyti.

Ik ben het — dat wil ik van tevoren zeggen — zeker niet met zijn visie op de EU eens. Ook zijn politieke kleur is niet de mijne. Maar toch. Ik waardeer de strijd tegen corruptie die de minister-president voert in zijn land ten zeerste. Dat is een hele belangrijke stap in de toekomst van Slowakije.

Slowakije is lid van de Visegrad-groep, en zelfs voorzitter op dit moment. Ik wil zeggen dat het beleid van de Visegrad-landen ten aanzien van migratie van harte op mijn steun mag rekenen. De EU faalt hopeloos in haar aanpak van illegale migratie. In plaats van te zorgen voor waterdichte grenzen komt de EU met de verliezersoplossing, namelijk het legaliseren van illegale migratie. De EU zegt te staan voor Europese waarden, maar verwelkomt migranten die deze waarden haten, verwelkomt migranten die deze waarden minachten en het liefst zo snel mogelijk de sharia in de EU willen invoeren.

Het zijn de Visegrad-landen die daadwerkelijk de Europese waarden verdedigen, die staan voor een Europa dat zijn vrijheden, zijn mensenrechten verdedigt. Daarom wil ik bij dezen mijn steun uitspreken voor de heer Pellegrini en de Slowaakse regering in hun afwijzing van het VN-migratiepact. In Slowakije is men zich maar al te bewust van de verschrikkingen van een totalitaire overheersing op basis van een totalitaire ideologie. Nog tot in ging men gebukt onder het communistische regime. Zij, de Slowaken, weten hoe het is om in angst te moeten leven, om te moeten zwijgen over wat je daadwerkelijk denkt en voelt.

Daarom is het volkomen terecht dat de Centraal-Europese lidstaten zich verzetten tegen islamisering van hun land. Een religie die tegelijkertijd een absolute zeggenschap over het politieke domein claimt, is daarmee een totalitaire ideologie die onverenigbaar is met alles waar de EU voor staat, met alle Europese waarden, met alle Europese mensenrechten, met alle Europese vrijheden. Daar vroeg ik aan toe: er is hier vaak ook gesproken over fake news , ook door de heer Pellegrini en ook door diverse sprekers. Het is de vrijheid van meningsuiting, die tot de kern behoort van onze democratie.

Juist door steeds te roepen dat fake news moet worden aangepakt, maar zichzelf tegelijkertijd op te werpen als degene die daarover beslist en daarmee elke kritiek op beleid smorend, dat is een dictatuur waardig. Daarom waarschuw ik ook de heer Pellegrini om die EU die zo gevaarlijk is voor de vrijheid van meningsuiting niet te steunen. Ik roep de Commissie op een voorbeeld te nemen aan Slowakije om corruptie in eigen gelederen aan te pakken. Ik roep de Commissie op om een voorbeeld te nemen aan de weerbaarheid van de Visegrad-landen tegen illegale migranten die op geen enkele wijze inpasbaar zijn in onze samenlevingen.

Laat de EU haar grenzen sluiten, zowel tussen de lidstaten als met derde landen, en laat de EU het VN-migratiepact afwijzen. Daarom roep ik de Commissie op om de eigen identiteit van de lidstaten de hoogste prioriteit te geven, zodat de interne veiligheid op orde kan komen. Deze Europese Commissie die niet kan optreden, moet aftreden! Po drugie, widzenie integracji regionalnej jako komponentu szerszej integracji. Paulo Rangel PPE. Britain was always an advocate for competition and now we are going towards harmonisation.

Britain was always in favour of subsidiarity and now we are going towards centralisation. My last hope for an attractive European Union is that the British Parliament today rejects the deal and opens the way towards a second referendum with the result that Britain stays in the European Union. Der Anteil der Jugendlichen aus der Minderheit ohne Job bzw. In my country, that manifested itself in the glorious vote for Brexit.

What arrogance! What conceit! You should have let us go with good will. Instead, you have decided to make an example of us to frighten the others. Eduard Kukan PPE. Fine della prima parte della procedura "catch the eye". Marek Jurek ECR. Panie Premierze! Charles Tannock ECR. Czy dostrzega Pan ten problem? Alojz Peterle PPE. Danes pa nimamo zelo enotne Evropske zveze. Wages, equal pay, unemployment schemes and decent jobs are of the essence to relaunch Europe.

What does it deliver? Do you agree with that notorious infamy? Or do you disagree with that crap? Joachim Starbatty ECR. Das gibt eine Umverteilung. Es gibt keinen falscheren Satz als diesen hier. Das ist die Wahrheit. Alles andere sind fake news. Fine della seconda parte della procedura "catch the eye". Written statements Rule The sitting was suspended at For the results and other details of the vote: see Minutes. We are not having a debate now. Kolegice i kolege, da vidimo sada koliko smo doista ujedinjeni u raznolikosti u ovome Parlamentu.

I think there has been a great deal of advice on this issue. Surely we do not need to have a hard border in Northern Ireland if we can do it by having satellites. So if it works for other parts of the world, why not Northern Ireland? Is it singularly unable to use satellites? Daniel Dalton, Rapporteur. Parliament got significance concessions. Paolo De Castro, relatore.

Senza questo fondamentale gioco di squadra non saremmo riusciti ad arrivare oggi a un risultato che poteva sembrare difficile, se non irraggiungibile. Colleghi, sono passati solo 11 mesi dalla presentazione della proposta e oggi possiamo finalmente dire di aver dato una risposta concreta alle richieste di agricoltori, produttori e consumatori europei rimaste per troppo tempo inascoltate.

Ora dobbiamo valorizzare i risultati raggiunti e garantire una giusta applicazione nei nostri Stati membri. I believe that the current text has some flaws, as denounced by several non—governmental organisations, and my Group has tabled amendments aimed at improving it. Gilles Lebreton, au nom du groupe ENF. The protection of forestry is an extremely important element in the overall protection of the environment and in slowing down climate change. The illegal timber trade has a devastating environmental effect and so I welcome this recommendation warmly as a step in the right direction for both the EU and Vietnam.

The preservation of habitats and biodiversity can only be accomplished by working with third countries to ensure that not only does the EU not export illegal timber, but equally does not support the trade of imported illegal timber. I am hopeful that this Voluntary Partnership Agreement will achieve this, and I welcome the firm commitments given by Vietnam to set up the necessary structures to enforce the commitments included in this agreement.

Daniel Hannan ECR. It seems a perfectly sensible thing for the European Union to work with Vietnam on sustainability. In the mid—s, Vietnam was one of the poorest countries in the world. Yet a couple of decades of free trade have led to the rule of law and the development of economic freedom in that country. I support the voluntary partnership agreement with Vietnam as an important contribution in the fight against illegal logging, with governments, civil society and businesses working together.

Sadly, across the world, up to half of all timber still comes from illegal sources. My view is that the UK and the EU need to go further with legislation banning all imports of illegal and destructively logged timber, coupled with more support to improve governance and stamp out corruption in timber producing countries. Illegal logging robs governments and communities of resources. It damages ecosystems, accelerates climate change and fuels conflict. We cannot afford to rest until the market for illegal timber in Europe is closed forever.

Dominique Bilde ENF. It creates solidarity among young Europeans and allows for the personal growth of participants. It is particularly great that, since , organisations from non-EU countries can participate in these projects. In the case of European Neighbourhood Policy countries, it becomes another element in the chain of contacts and people—to—people diplomacy. In addition to that, volunteering strengthens engagement and makes young people appreciate the non—material side of their work.

I supported this report and I wish volunteering could become a part of life for other groups of citizens who want to get engaged in the issues of public interest, dedicating some hours per week to a cause that they really care about. I ostatnia rzecz, bardzo istotna. Adam Szejnfeld PPE. Ma walory moralne, etyczne, humanitarne, charytatywne, edukacyjne The European Solidarity Corps programme is a valuable pathway for young people to develop their skills, whether through an internship, traineeship or volunteering experience.

The changes proposed, to increase the budget for the programme, will allow many more to benefit from it. I welcome particularly the emphasis to be placed on marginalised and disadvantaged young people. Four hundred and eighty Irish young people have already registered to take part and I hope to see many more do so from all backgrounds, including especially those in isolated rural regions and other disadvantaged areas on which the programme aims to focus particular attention.

At the same time, thousands of lobbyists operate in Brussels and dominate in the EU policy process. But, in my opinion, the current reform package makes it even more difficult for citizens to participate, for example, by eliminating individual online collection systems. We are in the 21st century and we need to have quick and easy digital ways to encourage civic engagement.

But, of course, in general, I voted in favour. Dlatego popieram to sprawozdanie. It gives many recommendations on how to limit cooperation with the Russian Federation and no recommendation on how to resume communication. It also undermines the credibility of the EU message by expressing mere beliefs, condemnations and accusations on the issues which have not even been investigated. First, because a weaker Russia would not be a better partner and second, sanctions marginalise pro—Western members of the Russian elite, meaning that we managed to lose the interlocutors we needed.

Of course, the real challenge of the EU foreign policy is not Russia, as the report states. The real challenge of the group of European politicians, unlike some Members of this House who still profess confrontation and an overtly anti-Russian agenda with the hope to collect some votes, voted against. Health, education, transport and employment opportunities all suffer.

Women are in the middle of this, yet they are excluded in global work on preventing conflict, mediation and peace-building. This report, like UN Resolution , rightly accepts that women experience conflicts differently from men. After 70 years we need some new approaches, and I hope that this report is a step in the right direction. A major challenge for us is always to focus even more on the day—to—day implementation of our extensive toolbox and convince partners to deliver on existing commitments and obligations. Our current EU human rights toolbox is already quite comprehensive, encompassing a strong multilateral and bilateral dimension.

The Union will continue to denounce human rights violations and abuses wherever they are committed, to call on state and non-state actors to prevent them, and to seek justice and accountability. There is no doubt about that. In this context, a targeted assessment is ongoing as to how a European Union horizontal human rights sanction regime might bring added value in our collective efforts to further realise human rights and prevent gross violations or abuses of human rights.

Here the issue of the scope of a possible future regime will be particularly important and the need to define which type of violations would fall under such a regime. Should such a regime, for example, focus on gross and systematic human rights violations? Should it cover violations of international humanitarian law? Should it address corruption cases? Another important question is the interplay between such a potential regime and other existing EU sanctions regimes, but also regimes established at UN and national level.

Human rights violations are already addressed in a number of geographical sanction regimes, for example, in the Democratic Republic of Congo DRC , Iran and Myanmar. Here we should consider whether the potential of integrating human rights into geographical regimes has been fully exploited.

Obviously, there are some existing gaps, since geographical sanction regimes by definition are limited in focus. Could a horizontal human rights sanction regime usefully fill such a gap and offer a more flexible approach?

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Last but not least, sanctions listings must be underpinned by robust, open—source evidence in order to be upheld in court. Listings are reviewed regularly and listed persons have the right to have their delisting requests considered. Respecting due process is an overarching principle underpinning all sanction regimes, but even more so in the context of a potential human rights regime. Given these multiple important issues, I am therefore pleased that expert discussions are taking place in the Council to look in detail at all these elements.

Once the experts have finalised their discussions, more political discussions can take place. The creation of any new regime is a matter for the 28 Member States to agree by unanimity, as is the imposition of concrete sanctions. Thank you for your attention and your interest. I am looking forward to our discussion. To name a European human rights violations sanctions regime after Sergei Magnitsky would send an unambiguous message to the human rights abusers in our closest neighbourhood that Europe is going to create serious consequences for them and around the world.

Magnitsky stood up to the corruption of the Putin regime. The way in which the Russian Government tried to cover up his murder and exonerate the people involved became a symbol of impunity worldwide. I believe that the repeated calls of this House to adopt a European Magnitsky Act mean creating a legal basis for imposing visa sanctions and asset freezes on human rights violators around the world.

There should be no impunity for killers of Rohingya in Myanmar, the rapists in the Central African Republic or the killers of the Saudi journalist. The Council has so far failed to act, but now this initiative is gaining momentum. Very often, collective punishments result in further collectivism. Innocent citizens in sanctioned countries become even more dependent on their domestic oppressors for the straight provision of basic goods in return for further encroachment on their political and social freedoms. As a free marketeer, I have always believed in individual responsibility.

We should, therefore, promote a smarter sanctions policy to ensure that sanctions are both legally robust and effective against those individuals committing abuses around the world. When we talk about sanctions regimes, let us also look at ourselves critically because, despite sanctions being in place, Ali Mamlouk from Syria, on our blacklist, visited Italy, companies from the EU built the Kerch Strait Bridge, chemicals were exported from Belgium to Syria — and the list goes on.

It is high time to end impunity and, if we adopt this regulation, it would also be a small step towards justice for Sergei Magnitsky. Die EU wendet bereits seit langem personenbezogene Sanktionen an. Alle anderen Gesetze, die genauso und sehr qualifiziert und gut sind, zum Beispiel in Kanada, haben eine fachliche Terminologie. We, the European Parliament, have repeatedly called for the establishment of an EU-wide equivalent.

I am convinced that this has to be done at EU level, and without further postponement or delay. I firmly believe we have had enough of differing interpretation and differing implementation of the EU sanctions, and we should stop this practice. Dat waren zogenaamde smart sanctions. Toch was het elk jaar opnieuw in februari een gevecht in de Raad tussen de Europese lidstaten om die sancties nog weer een jaar door te zetten. Als ik luister naar de collegae hier lijkt het alsof het een makkie is om nu eindelijk een nieuw Europees sanctieregime te beginnen dat zich richt op individuen en het debat over landensancties wat eenvoudiger maakt.

Zo eenvoudig is het niet! U kunt nu allemaal suggereren dat het eenvoudig is en dat als we het maar een naam geven, dat het dan extra rechten doet gelden. Dat is niet zo! Sin embargo, hay dos problemas. Y, en segundo lugar, la tardanza en la toma de decisiones. De bescherming van mensenrechten is een van de belangrijkste kernwaarden van de Europese Unie.

Helaas laat de EU niet altijd meer zien onvoorwaardelijk een gezamenlijk front te vormen tegen de individuele personen die deze rechten schenden. Het huidige voorstel waarin personen die grove schendingen van de rechten van de mens begaan de toegang tot de EU wordt ontzegd en hun tegoeden worden bevroren, is een effectief instrument. Dit voorstel heeft twee grote voordelen: de onschuldige bevolking van het land blijft buiten schot en de mensenrechtenschenders worden aangepakt waar het hun het meest pijn doet.

Bovendien waarborgt dit nieuwe plan de neutraliteit van onze gezamenlijke sancties door het sanctieproces te depolitiseren. Dat maakt de Europese Unie slagvaardiger. Daarom zie ik uit naar het definitieve voorstel van de Commissie, zodat onze Unie nog beter dan nu in staat zal zijn de universele rechten van de mens te verdedigen.

By the way, we need only to listen to the debates in this Parliament, this very week, to understand that the situations in countries like Russia, China, Turkey, Nicaragua and Kazakhstan are totally anti-democratic and put the international human rights obligations of those countries into question. So the EU human rights toolbox must adapt. The global sanctions regime is one of the best tools for doing just that. The EU comprehensive sanctions regime for human rights violations is long overdue. To make it a success, it is vitally important that the new regime is legally sound and complies in full with the highest standards of due process.

The listings should be based on hard evidence and on open source information and should be strictly rights based, as opposed to geostrategic, financial or other bases: that is the only way to guarantee political legitimacy. We do not wish to see symmetry with the US sanctions regime, as it does not have adequate judicial safeguards. We cannot afford to fail.

Tunne Kelam PPE.

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But, to be efficient and credible, it needs joint efforts and rigorous and consistent implementation by all Member States. Implementation has to be mandatory for all. So far, progress since the European Parliament decision to establish an EU Magnitsky list has been alarmingly slow. Only five more states have followed the US Congress resolution and I think it is very important to maintain the name Magnitsky, which has symbolic and universal meaning.

Finally, it is shameful that Russia is so far not included in the money—laundering and terrorist—financing blacklist. A Europa precisa urgentemente de uma proposta concreta para punir estes violadores. Zato imamo Sud Europske unije i tu nam novi mehanizmi nisu potrebni. We also need instruments. In this regard, the European regime to impose sanctions on individuals from both state and non—state actors responsible for human rights violations is imperative.

It places the EU as the front—runner for the protection of human rights worldwide. It enhances the visibility of the EU as a responsible international actor. It sends a strong signal to those many existing dictatorships and authoritarian regimes which systematically disregard the right and the duty to preserve human dignity. It would be a tool to make life a bit more difficult for those responsible for — or involved — in grave human rights violations and abuses. It would be a way to support the victims of those abuses as well as human rights defenders and a step towards fighting against impunity.

For all these reasons, I call on the Council to reach a prompt agreement on this much—needed regime. Multilateralism is under attack by a number of countries, with the US leading the way. A coherent European sanctions regime is therefore a step in the right direction. Seeing this progress being made at European level reminds me that that if Brexit happens, the UK will not be able to participate in such positive policies. So, 28 countries working together in a sensible sanctions regime is far more effective than one desperate lonely island.

Marruecos, el caso del Rif. I would like to take this opportunity to thank you again for all your speeches, comments and suggestions. As already mentioned, the current discussions are focusing on the various open questions that should be considered in order to allow for an informed political decision on the feasibility of such a proposal.

Discussions will continue in the Council, and we stand ready to contribute to the debate constructively. A final decision will have to be taken unanimously. Allow me, therefore, to express my appreciation for your attention to this highly important topic. Aga tulemuseta — ning nii tulebki seda hoida!

Kati Piri, Rapporteur. Osman and 15 others heard the charges against them last week. They are being held responsible for an attempt to overthrow the government and are facing life imprisonment without parole if found guilty. The page indictment talks of the spontaneous wave of anti-government Gezi protests in , which have now been reframed as an outcome of an international conspiracy to unseat the government.

The evidence against Kavala: in some intercepted calls, he is offering to lend a plastic folding table and in another call, he agrees to send some packages of fruit juice and milk. The indictment includes no evidence of Osman or any of the others planning the protest, let alone an uprising. And now, what is the answer of the EU to all of this? What is the answer to blatant human rights violations in our neighbouring country? But so far, our European leaders have bitterly failed in doing so. Turkey has disappeared from our attention.

It is no longer in the news, except when EU nationals are concerned. It seems that our government leaders have accepted that the situation in Turkey is as it is. Our calls for respect of fundamental rights have not only fallen on deaf ears in Ankara, but also in EU capitals. The red lines of this House have all been crossed.

Severe human rights violations continue. The rule of law has been dismantled. That is why we asked the Council to formally suspend the accession talks with Turkey. We want to hear what the EU will do for Osman Kavala. It is time to come up with a strategy. President, allow me also after these five years, to thank my colleague shadow rapporteurs who have been working on this file for the last five years in good cooperation.

I very much hope that tomorrow we will be able to unite this House again and to give a strong signal to our European leaders. We take note of the clear messages and concerns referred to in your resolution. We are continuing to follow domestic developments in Turkey very closely, in particular the implementation of the constitutional amendments.

The EU recognises the serious security threats that Turkey has faced. However, the disproportionate scale and scope of measures taken in the aftermath of the failed coup attempt also continue to raise serious concern. At the same time, we agree with you that it is important not to close the door to Turkey, but to keep the channels of communication open; the Council maintains that continued engagement and an open and frank dialogue with Turkey, as a candidate country and a key partner of the EU in many areas, remains important and is in the best interests of both sides.

I refer in particular to the common challenges that we face and the need to cooperate in essential areas of joint interest such as migration, counterterrorism, energy, transport, economy and trade. This successful cooperation has led to a drastic decrease in deaths at sea, a substantial reduction in irregular migrant arrivals from Turkey, and a better future for the Syrian migrants in Turkey, to which the EU-funded Facility for refugees in Turkey is continuing to contribute.

At the same time, Turkey needs to commit to a normalisation of relations with Cyprus and fully implement the provisions of the Additional Protocol to the Association Agreement. Let me use this opportunity to assure you that we, as the Presidency, will therefore continue to raise these important matters with our Turkish interlocutors at every level and on every occasion, and do our utmost to persuade Turkey to do its part and live up to its promises of reform. Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. In relation to the rule of law and human rights, the negative developments that the Commission identified in its last — — report have continued.

They have caused further serious concerns about the direction that the Turkish leadership is taking. The recent indictment against Osman Kavala, and 15 other highly respected civil society actors, exemplifies the increasing pressure that civil society is facing. It also casts doubt as to whether the judicial process in Turkey respects the principles of the presumption of innocence and the right to a fair trial. Honourable Members, Turkey says it remains committed to its goal of EU accession. It should not then be surprised that we are following developments in Turkey very closely and that we raise our strong concerns when the values and principles on which the European Union is founded — and to which Turkey too has officially committed as a member of the Council of Europe — are being ignored.

On the contrary, one would expect Turkey to carry out the necessary reforms. But Turkey is also, and will remain, our neighbour and a partner of strategic importance for the European Union, with whom we work closely on areas such as energy, counterterrorism, trade and migration. Turkey is a key player in regions that are of strategic interest for the European Union.

It also hosts the largest refugee population in the world, and our cooperation under the Facility for Refugees is an example of successful cooperation. A series of high-level sectoral dialogues on political issues, transport and the economy has taken place recently and an Association Council will be convened later this week.

These meetings provide useful platforms not only to further our cooperation but also to share our grave concerns. Our engagement is not unconditional: open dialogue is not uncritical dialogue. And during the recent high-level economic dialogue, Vice-President Katainen specifically raised our concerns about press freedom, in particular the accreditation of foreign journalists. We also continue to call on Turkey to improve its relations with all our Member States bilaterally, especially with Cyprus. We have emphasised that the Turkish Government should refrain from provocative and illegal actions, notably in the eastern Mediterranean and in the Aegean.

We must keep our hands stretched out towards them, especially, and help them to defend our shared European values. Letztendlich konnten wir uns auf einen guten Text einigen, der nur noch punktuell der Verbesserung bedarf. Helfen wir so den Regimekritikern? I remain convinced that Turkey is an important partner of the EU.

With regret I can only note the shredding of some of the democratic achievements since Europe should be vigilant and firm when it comes to condemning the violations of human rights, freedom and the rule of law in Turkey, while always keeping up a strong, regular and constructive dialogue with this important country. Both are imperatives. This also includes an intensive dialogue on alignment of foreign policy, defence and security issues, with a strong focus on counterterrorism and matters of military and strategic importance, as Turkey is a very important member of the military alliance, NATO.

That is why I am calling on the Commission to start the preparatory work for the upgrade of the customs union and on the Council to provide the necessary mandate as soon as possible. The speaker agreed to take a blue—card question under Rule 8. To make it clear, we are here the European Parliament. Turkey geographically is there, politically is there, militarily is there, and Europe can do better if it has stronger, more effective relations with Turkey. Europe will be much weaker and exposed to much higher risks if we sever relations with Turkey completely, as the EPP is doing in order to make the Turkish issue a hostage to different political agendas.

Hier is Europese alertheid, mijnheer de commissaris, werkelijk geboden. Lees het! Met klem verzoek ik Raad en Commissie, alsmede de regeringen en parlementen van de EU-lidstaten de activiteiten van Diyanet op Europees grondgebied grondig te onderzoeken en ook daarover te rapporteren. We krijgen allereerst de gelegenheid bij het nieuwe voortgangsverslag van de Commissie.

Dit vanwege de ernstige verdenkingen van spionage, surveillance en rekrutering van agenten door Diyanet-functionarissen. Aan het eind van paragraaf 11 roept het verslag de Turkse autoriteiten op alle manifestaties van antisemitisme in de samenleving daadwerkelijk te bestrijden. Een gemiste kans! De afwijzing ook van dit amendement.

Zo heeft het geen zin! It is now a report on regress. All in all, core principles are at stake: the independence of the judiciary, the separation of powers and the rule of law. These developments impact disproportionately on the opposition and on women, LGBTI people, journalists, religious minorities, human rights defenders and other minorities.

But everybody in Turkey, whether openly or quietly in their hearts, knows what is going on and fears what may yet come. A fear of what could get worse still seems to paralyse the Commission and the Council too. Or is it the cynical outsourcing of the sheltering of refugees — for which Turkey deserves our support — that risks overshadowing everything else?

I believe that our credibility is at stake and I insist that our words and principles must have meaning. As we warned in previous years, with the adoption of the constitutional reform package, a presidential system is now in place, one that lacks checks and balances, not so much according to us but according to the Venice Commission. So we need to be honest and principled. When we continue our relations on trade, defence, foreign policy or asylum, we must always work with Turkey on the basis of the rule of law and respect for human rights.

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My only hope is that after the European elections a majority here will step back from this crazy federalist mantra and understand that NATO is a vital component of peace and security in Europe. Mario Borghezio, a nome del gruppo ENF. Ma era una Turchia diversa, una Turchia laica. Avete scelto proprio quello per affidare i rifugiati della Siria e di altri paesi. Complimenti per la vostra ipocrisia. Una vergogna! Das ist jetzt geschehen.

Die Dialektik der historischen Aufklärung gegen die AfD

Men det er ikke acceptabelt, at man ikke afslutter disse forhandlinger. Derfor er tiden inde nu til at sige stop. Suspension of the negotiation process is unacceptable for us. Before the final decision we need to take into account the progress made by Turkey recently. Ankara has set the goal of achieving closure of the monitoring procedure of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. A proposal to suspend the negotiation process — even formally — will be received negatively by Turkish society: that was made clear during the recent meeting in Ankara of the EU-Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee, where the EU is seen as a friendly community.

In the light of the upcoming elections in Europe and in Turkey, we need to be careful about the kind of messages we are sending to voters. Much has happened in these 15 years and our relationship has been difficult at many times. However, the current stalemate could have been avoided if the accession framework had been used fully and if Turkey had kept its path towards reform and towards more democracy.

Regretfully, the situation in Turkey has deteriorated a lot in recent years. The rule of law, fundamental rights and basic freedoms have been under great pressure. The recent indictment seeking a lifelong imprisonment for Osman Kavala is just one among thousands of examples of this backlash. However, suspending accession negotiations with Turkey is not the solution. In order to keep alive the prospect of democracy in Turkey, respect for human rights and individual and collective freedoms, we need to keep the doors open — if not for the present, then for the future.

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If not for us, then for those men in Turkey fighting for human rights and justice. Zu solchen Mitteln greift man erst, wenn man jeglicher Handlungsmacht beraubt wurde. Sie sollen systematisch mundtot und unsichtbar gemacht werden. Sie brauchen unsere Stimme! Diese Situation habe ich angesprochen. Und da, denke ich, sollten wir die eigene Situation auch nicht verschweigen. La purga erdoganiana non accenna insomma a placarsi e sembra ora accanirsi in particolar modo sui media, rei di mettere in cattiva luce il presidente-sultano.

Per non parlare delle altre incredibili e ben note violazioni dei diritti umani. In questi anni non facili, la relatrice Kati Piri ha gestito con saggezza un complesso dossier. Non voglio con questo dire che si debbano totalmente recidere i rapporti con la Turchia, paese che resta ovviamente strategico. Dobbiamo dare un segnale serio e inequivocabile. Jacques Colombier ENF. David Casa PPE. Although neither side is under any illusions, the process of EU accession has proved beneficial to both Turkey and the EU.

This journey has been going on for at least 15 years; some might say over 30 years. Why add injury to insult and suspend it now? Over the years, there has been a range of obstacles to progress with Turkey; some real, some contrived. One consistent element has been Cyprus. The EU talks grandly about principles of democracy, but it is content to ignore the people of a third of the island of Cyprus.

Seats allocated to the Republic of Cyprus should be used proportionately to represent the peoples of all parts of the island either through a Turkish Cypriot Member of the Parliament or through observer status, as is the case in the Council of Europe. Es hat in dieser Verfassung mit der westlichen Wertegemeinschaft nichts gemeinsam. Warum warten, Herr Weber? Esther de Lange PPE. Mevrouw Piri, het is niet makkelijk om in dit Parlement een brede meerderheid in de Commissie buitenlandse zaken te krijgen.

Dat heeft u gedaan en dat is op zich al een felicitatie waard. Het is ook een stuk sterker dan het pappen en nathouden dat we horen vanuit de Europese Raad. Toch vind ik het heel erg jammer dat de rapporteur voorstelt om weliswaar de onderhandelingen op te schorten, maar om uiteindelijk niet over te gaan tot het stoppen van deze onderhandelingen.

Ik denk, als je luistert naar de collega's, als je keer op keer hoort waarom Turkije zich elk jaar verder beweegt van de Europese Unie in plaats van dichterbij te komen, dat je dan ook de conclusie moet trekken dat je moet gaan voor een alternatief partnerschap. Dus niet de deur dichtgooien, maar wel werken aan dat alternatieve partnerschap, in plaats van maar weer keer op keer te proberen die onderhandelingen die eigenlijk toch al stilliggen nieuw leven in te blazen.

Die Fehlerzahl korrelierte hoch mit dem Alter. Herausgeber: Springer, Luise Hrsg. Titel: Aphasie. Quelle: Muenchen: Tuduv , S. Quelle: In: Die Sprachheilarbeit, 30 6, S. Da Untersuchungen an 20 Aphatikern zeigten, dass sie wenig ausserhalb einer zweckgerichteten kommunikativen Situation erlernten, sieht das allgemeine Therapiekonzept vor allem Dialog- und weniger Lernsituationen vor. Wesentlicher Bestandteil ist ausserdem die Anleitung und Unterweisung der Angehoerigen.

Abschliessend werden Hinweise fuer ein differenziertes Vorgehen in der Therapie gegeben; auf die Aktivierung verbaler Stereotype wird dabei besonders Gewicht gelegt. Reihe: Kommunikation zwischen Partnern. Autor: Brookshire, Robert H. Eine Einfuehrung in d. Einheitssachtitel: An introduction to aphasia, dt. Quelle: Stuttgart u. Autoren: Glozman, J. Titel: On one system of methods of aphasics group rehabilitation.

Quelle: In: International journal of rehabilitation research, 3 4, S. Die neue Methode zur Durchfuehrung von Gruppensitzungen baut auf theoretischen Uebelegungen zur Beziehung zwischen dem Wort und seiner sensorischen Basis auf und auf Problemen visueller Objektvorstellungen bei Aphasie.

Diese Methode gewaehrleistet, dass das Prinzip der Systemeinwirkung bei der Rehabilitation von Aphasikern zum Tragen kommt. Autor: Tsvetkova, L. Titel: Some ways of optimization of aphasics rehabilitation. Quelle: In: International journal of rehabilitation research, 3 2, S. Der beste Rahmen, diese Faehigkeiten zu realisieren und zu aktivieren ist die Gruppe. Die Methode dieser Gruppentherapie geht von folgender Annahme aus: Die Aphasie ist keine isolierte Stoerung, sondern umfasst folgende drei miteinander in Beziehung stehende Konstituenten: 1.

Sprachstoerungen, im engeren Sinne; 2. Stoerungen der Beziehungen zwischen Sprache und anderen psychisch-geistigen Bereichen; 3. Dazu wurden drei Therapieverfahren erarbeitet: 1. Verfahren, die die Sprache selbst beeinflussen; 2. Verfahren, die weitere psychisch-geistige Bereiche beeinflussen; 3. Verfahren, die die Gesamtpersoenlichkeit der Patienten, deren Emotionen und Handeln, beeinflussen. Ich habe versucht die Aussiedlerzahlen nach Schulformen zu finden, musste aber leider feststellen, bei uns in Hessen werden Aussiedler gar nicht extra erfasst, im Gegensatz zu NRW.

Dann versuchte ich ein Projekt aufzufinden, das die Jugendliche besser in die Schule integrieren sollte. Befinde mich bis heute auf der Suche, da ich leider noch keins gefunden habe. Zu diesen Bereichen habe ich mich bereits im Internet kundig gemacht und recherchiert. Wo kann ich nach Erfahrungsberichten u. Eine vergleichende Untersuchung zur Zufriedenheit und Selbstbestimmung in Wohneinrichtungen.

Ihre Gedanken richten sich insbesondere auf die Fragen Wohnen und Arbeiten. Quelle: In: Gemeinsam leben, 8 1, S. Autor: Hallerberg, Maggie Titel: Du schaffst das! Wenn das Umziehen Jahre dauert - Erfahrungen einer Mutter. Quelle: In: Zusammen, 20 6, S. Es war nicht ihre Entscheidung. Aber ihre Eltern sind sicher, dass es in Kerstins Sinn ist. Mit 23 Jahren machte sie zum ersten Mal die Erfahrung, lange von ihren Geschwistern und Eltern getrennt zu sein.

Immer noch scheint Kerstin nicht wirklich in ihrem neuen Zuhause angekommen. Doch sie ist auf dem Weg, hofft ihre Mutter Leben im Internat. Wege ins Erwachsensein. Quelle: In: Zusammen, 17 4, S. Der Schwerpunkt liegt dabei auf der Diskrepanz der Erwartungen von Eltern und ihren behinderten Kindern. Ein Lehrbuch. Quelle: Freiburg, Breisgau: Lambertus , S. Die aus der amerikanischen Sozialarbeit und Behindertenhilfe stammende Konzeption wird hinsichtlich ihrer Implikationen fuer die Persoenlichkeitsentfaltung, die Selbstbestimmung und die Rechte der Betroffenen kritisch ueberprueft.

Einleitend wird in die Empowerment Philosophie eingefuehrt. Die Rolle der Wissenschaft in der Behindertenpaedagogik wird - zum einen in eher empirischer, zum anderen in kritisch-hermeneutischer Tradition - reflektiert. Leitgedanke ist hierbei stets die Zielvorstellung der Selbstbestimmung d Menschen mit geistiger Behinderung.

Einzelne Beitraege befassen sich mit der Bedeutung des Empowerment-Konzeptes fuer die Frueherziehung, fuer selbstbestimmtes Lernen geistig behinderter Schueler durch handlungsorienterten Unterricht, fuer die Phase der Abloesung vom Elternhaus sowie hinsichtlich Wohnen, Arbeit, Erwachsenenbildung und Alter. Spezielle Aufmerksamkeit wird den Moeglichkeiten gewidmet, die Empowerment fuer Erlebnispaedagogik und hinsichtlich sexueller Misshandlung haben koennte.

Abloesung vom Elternhaus: schmerzlich, bedrueckend, notwendig und befreiend. Quelle: In: Zusammen, 13 8, S. Die beiden Maedchen ziehen in eine laendliche Wohngemeinschaft. Hierzu meine Frage bzw. Wir verweisen nur auf Quellen im Internet oder weisen Medien in einer Datenbank nach. Beschluss der Kultusministerkonferenz vom 3. Oktober Allerdings fehlen mir noch um das Bild abzurunden die alten d. Ich habe schon alles probiert, um an diese Materialien zu kommen Bibliotheken, Fernleihe, Eines meine Themen ist ein Schulvergleich Deutschland-Frankreich. Es gibt hingegen hier in der Bibliothek mehrere Buecher Liste in der Anlage und Forschungsberichte die sich auf gleichartige Schuelerbefragungen in anderen Laendern beziehen.

Eine weitere Suche dort koennet manches bringen, allerdings geht das nur in einer Bibliothek, die abonniert ist. Wenn es Studien zu dieser Frage gibt, sollten sie darin zu finden sein. Vielleicht finden Sie auch im Institut francais in Mainz etwas Als Poststudiumsstudentin an der Internationale Gesellschaft fuer historische und systematische Schulbuchforschung e. Schulbuecher - schlechtes Zeugnis. Ich bin Studentin an der Leider habe ich die Materialien, die nicht ausreichend sind.

Verschicken Sie mir bitte die verschiedenen Materialien zu diesem Thema. Bundesverband der Dolmetscher und Uebersetzer e. Berufsverband Information Bibliothek e. Zum Thema Interkulturelle Kompetenz bzw. Qualifizierung von Lehrern finden Sie bei uns Informationen auf folgender Seite:. Bildungsziele und deren Entwicklung genauer ansehen. Doch leider kann ich keine finden. Gibt es irgendwelche Lehrer, die sich mit diesem Thema im Unterricht schon einmal befasst haben? Ob das Thema Gegenstand des Geschichtsunterrichts ist, kann ich Ihnen leider nicht sagen. Auch im Internet gab es leider kaum etwas zum Thema.

Interessant sind vielleicht folgende Quellen:. Gibt es eine Auswertung, wieviele Institutionen es derzeit in Deutschland gibt? Ich habe noch eine weitere Frage bzw. Wie lange laufen die Weiterbildungskurse im Anschluss und was kosten sie? Nach Kontaktaufnahme wurde mir ihre Adresse zugesendet. Bitte teilen Sie mir mit, ob Sie den folgenden Beitrag in Ihrem Archiv haben und wenn ja, wie ich diesen bekommen kann. Der Deutsche Bildungsserver ist ein Webkatalog und verweist nur auf Internetquellen.

Was Lehrer krank macht! Gewerkschaften z. Ziel der Arbeit ist es, die Inhalte der Programme vergleichend zu untersuchen. Haben Sie eine Idee, wie ich an diese gelangen kann? Oder wissen Sie, an wem man sich in dieser Frage wenden kann? Mich interessiert welche Produkte im konkreten Anwendung finden. Was die Spitzenreiter sind etc. I am a research assistant and a PhD student in Citizenship education usually takes place at school and is for German and migrant children alike.

The subject is usually called "Sozialkunde", "Gemeinschaftskunde" or "Politik" depending on the federal state and type of school. Special programmes for migrant children and youth usually concentrate on language teaching and supporting the transition from school to vocational training and work. To find information about political education for migrant children and youth outside the school context is not so easy.

There are a lot of organisations active in youth work and some might offer what you are looking for. Here are some addresses that might help you further:. Das Thema meiner Hausarbeit ist "Kompetenzorientierung der organisatorischen Rahmenbedingungen bei der Hochschulbildung". Wir machen eine Gruppenarbeit und meine Aufgabe ist es, erst einmal die Ressource "Zeit" darzustellen wie sie aktuell an Hochschulen zu finden ist. Haben Sie zu diesem Bereich eventuell Materialien? Leider wird Ihr Thema nicht ganz deutlich, etwa, ob Sie sich auf die Hochschulbildung insgesamt oder lediglich auf didaktische Aspekte beziehen, was Ihre Konzentration auf die Organisation von Lehrveranstaltungen nahelegt.

Weitere Informationen oder Ansprechpartner finden Sie evt. Kompetenzorientierung kommt dort z. In didaktischer Hinsicht mag dies auch Zeitplanung von Dozenten und Studierenden betreffen. Informationen zu Zeitplanung aus didaktischer Sicht finden Sie z. Ob es eigene Gesetze, Verordnungen in Bezug auf Migranten gibt kann ich nicht sagen. Eine Analyse unter Einbeziehung von Erfahrungen aus den Niederlanden. Ausgewertet werden ca. Das ZDM erscheint zweimonatlich. Lehmann Hrsg.

Dritte internationale Mathematik- und Naturwissenschaftsstudie. Mathematische und naturwissenschaftliche Bildung am Ende der Schullaufbahn. E-Learning, Hochschulbildung. Leider gibt es diese Liste nicht mehr oder ich finde sie einfach nicht mehr. Gibt es evtl. Man kann ihn unter der URL. Sie ist kostenfrei nutzbar. Ist dies die neue Fassung und woher bekomme ich den Vergleich?