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Defining and Measuring Democracy. World Politics , Madrid: Ed. New York: Palgrave-McMillan. Journal of Democracy, vol. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers. Comparing Nations, Concepts, Strategies, Substance. Oxford y Cambridge: Blackwell. American Political Science Review , Vol. Madrid: Impresa, 2 a. Cambridge: MIT Press. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Revista Contribuciones , No. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Guatemala, febrero. Washington: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. International Security, Vol. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. En: Marsh, David y Gerry Stoker eds. New York: Palgrave MacMillan. Latin American Research Review, Vol.

And Is Not". Journal of Democracy, Vol. United Nations Institute for Training and Research. Consecutivamente se desarrolla un apartado en donde se analiza el contenido de los Acuerdos de Paz desde la perspectiva de las dimensiones e indicadores del estudio. La boleta del judgment data fue aplicada entre noviembre de y febrero de Se quiere dejar constancia de agradecimiento al Lic. En marzo de se realizan elecciones presidenciales competidas en las que triunfa el Ing. Arturo Araujo y su Partido Laborista. A los dos lectores externos del informe, el Dr.

Carlos Briones y el Dr. Cuadro II. Teniendo en cuenta esto, se ha tomado. Fuente: Seligson y Mcelhinny, El total de bajas incluye muertos, heridos y capturados.

Globalización

Ellos fueron: El de la libertad del voto, consignada en el Art. Publicado en Diario Oficial No. Las mismas pasaban por. Establecido un nuevo marco constitucional y en el contexto de un gobierno temporal, se convoca, de conformidad con el Decreto Constituyente No. Y esto. En la primera vuelta. Ante la victoria de Duarte con el Los comicios permitieron pensar que:. Publicada en Diario Oficial No. Pese al entorno militarizado, las elecciones se llevaron a cabo en la fecha programada, bajo la normativa de una nueva Ley Electoral. Decreto Legislativo No.

Derogado totalmente por Decreto Legislativo No. En definitiva, si bien con un sistema bipolar sumamente marcado en los resultados electorales, el posicionamiento de ARENA como primera fuerza partidaria era evidente. Frente a los comicios precedentes, al menos dos elementos nuevos pueden destacarse de las elecciones. Los resultados dieron a Cristiani el Bajo el Decreto Legislativo No.

Publicado en el Diario Oficial No. Como se puede apreciar en el diagrama II. Sin embargo, este sentido multipartidista se torna relativo si se toman en cuenta dos aspectos:. Los restantes 6 fueron creados en esta etapa, lo cual significa decir que se trata en esencia de representaciones partidarias de nuevo tipo.

Fuente: Artiga, Diagrama II. El cuadro II. El diagrama II. Y, de igual forma que en sus. No llegaron los representantes de la guerrilla. Reiterar el respaldo y apoyo a los esfuerzos de paz que se expresan en Esquipulas II. El tema fue el cese al fuego. Con estas expresiones organizativas, se estaba. William LeoGrande describe el impacto de la ofensiva guerrillera de la siguiente manera:. Sin embargo, visto en retrospectiva: "La ofensiva puede ser considerada exitosa La fase negociadora: De Ginebra a la firma de la paz abril enero El primero va desde la firma del Acuerdo de Ginebra abril , hasta el impasse en el tema de la Fuerza Armada octubre El primer momento: El nudo de la Fuerza Armada y el cese de fuego abril-octubre de Este acuerdo:.

El segundo momento: El giro obligado hacia las reformas constitucionales octubre abril En el reinicio de los contactos en este segundo estadio, se mantuvo la distancia de visiones en torno al tema sobre la Fuerza Armada. En el marco de este encuentro, las partes flexibilizaron sus posiciones. El 25 de septiembre, ambas delegaciones firmaron el "Acuerdo de Nueva York". Ambas partes tuvieron que irse moviendo desde sus posiciones iniciales, haciendo concesiones, para poder alcanzar los Acuerdos de Paz. Por su parte, la CD obtuvo una significativa presencia parlamentaria. Y por otro lado, estos mismos acuerdos que se iban alcanzando, comenzaban a rendir sus frutos.

Los datos presentados son el porcentaje de hogares de la zona urbana y rural de pobreza y pobreza extrema en El Salvador. En el campo de los movimientos sociales se experimentaron modificaciones. Indudablemente, la fase. Nota: Muerte arbitraria incluye: Muerte por violencia durante el conflicto armado y fuera del conflicto armado. Tortura incluye: Tortura y tratos crueles, inhumanos o degradantes. Heridos incluye: Lesiones por violencia excesiva o indiscriminada durante el conflicto armado y fuera del conflicto.

Al respecto, esta misma, en su segundo informe presentado al Consejo de Seguridad en noviembre sostiene que:. Respecto al derecho a la vida, a la integridad y a la seguridad de la persona, son insuficientes las medidas para investigar casos Durante las elecciones de. Eso fueron, precisamente, los Acuerdos de Paz. Y finalmente hay quienes consideran que:. Por eso, El CEA comprende. Asimismo, se disolvieron los cuerpos de seguridad. Con respecto a las entidades militares, se reconoce el principio de que todo cuerpo paramilitar debe ser proscrito dentro del Estado de Derecho. Asimismo se establece la estructura funcional y territorial.

Se incluyen, como anexos, dos propuestas de anteproyecto legislativo. En el caso de los compromisos de mayor prioridad, los actores y mecanismos fueron incluso dotados con la capacidad para dar continuidad o profundizar lo pactado. No es una falta de la izquierda, ni de nadie, simplemente es Como se observa en el cuadro II. Y para ello el desarme del FMLN , pues, era el objetivo principal. Pero eso excluye a los sectores De hecho a la sociedad misma la.

Una era la Las mismas iniciaron con el apoyo y patrocinio del gobierno de Estados Unidos. Finalmente se presentan las conclusiones. Es necesario adoptar todas las medidas que sean precisas para asegurarse el desmantelamiento de los mismos. Este mecanismo es el resultado de una reforma constitucional planteada por los Acuerdos de Paz. Un indicador cuantitativo de la limitada eficiencia procesal puede observarse en el cuadro II. Esto contribuye a la poca credibilidad ciudadana en las instituciones del sector justicia. En palabras de uno de los entrevistados en este estudio: "El sistema de justicia sigue siendo muy sensible Como puede observarse en el cuadro II.

Un factor adicional que se vio favorecido en el posconflicto fue la capacidad del sistema de ampliar su cobertura territorial para facilitar el acceso ciudadano a la justicia. El informe final del Grupo Conjunto [Grupo Conjunto Esas libertades han tenido su mayor esplendor en la etapa abierta con los Acuerdos de Chapultepec. A partir de , la forma de calificar cambia: entre 1. Fuente: Freedom House, Al hablar de ellos, debe hacerse en una doble perspectiva. Al respecto nos hemos basado en: Amaya, Por ejemplo, representa julio de junio de El rechazo de la ley incluso vino de las Naciones Unidas.

De otra manera, las reformas al sistema de justicia. Destaca como uno de los aspectos positivos el incremento en la capacidad institucional para atender la demanda de justicia ampliando por tanto el acceso de los ciudadanos al sistema. Para concluir, se puede plantear que el proceso de paz ha contribuido a la reforma del sistema de justicia. Como se ha planteado en un informe reciente:. Sin embargo, el progreso alcanzado en materia de justicia desde los Acuerdos de Paz se percibe como un proceso muy positivo pero no finalizado.

En alguna medida, estos avances son explicados debido a las presiones de la comunidad internacional. Es decir: " Para decirlo sencillamente, la democracia debe ser vista como el. Finalmente, se presentan algunas conclusiones generales. En torno a la misma se pueden hacer cuatro consideraciones. Pero, de esa democracia representativa donde el ciudadano solamente tiene la capacidad de elegir a sus representantes, hay que dar el salto cualitativo a la democracia participativa A pesar de los cambios positivos que se hicieran en materia electoral y de sus instituciones, en las elecciones de posguerra han persistido deficiencias importantes.

Un sondeo realizado En este sentido:. En el cuadro II. Dada la gran cantidad de partidos que han participado en las distintas elecciones presidenciales, se puede decir que en El Salvador se ha configurado un multipartidismo. Es decir, un valor promedio de 2. De tal forma que lo que se presenta en El Salvador es un sistema que ha tendido hacia el multipartidismo, pero que ha sido dominado por dos partidos altamente polarizados. De acuerdo a lo estipulado en el Art. En efecto, en el cuadro II. Sin embargo, como indica Artiga [ ]: "La proporcionalidad lograda no es exacta en dos sentidos.

Otro aspecto que es importante destacar de las elecciones legislativas es la inestabilidad de la oferta: Hay un constante aparecer y desaparecer. FMLN en la competencia electoral.

Mientras los extremos se fortalecen, el partido en el centro se debilita. Para el , la volatilidad ha disminuido a 5. A nivel. De acuerdo con el cuadro II. En el diagrama II. Notas al diagrama II. En participa solo. Sin embargo, consigue retener 3 diputados en la Asamblea. En forma una alianza con el PDC. En el participa y pierde su registro electoral. En obtiene un diputado, pero pierde su registro electoral.

No participa en y en el pierde su registro. Los acuerdos cumplieron su objetivo. Finalmente, se presentan las conclusiones. A juicio de la coordinadora de la CND :. En enero de la CND. Tres ejemplos ilustran este punto. En segundo lugar, porque se reconoce al.

Art beyond Itself: Anthropology for a Society without a Story Line

Sin embargo, a pesar de que se puedan contabilizar varias experiencias participativas exitosas, falta mucho camino por recorrer. Para los fines del estudio:. Si bien el Art. Esto se debe en gran medida a que es inadecuada y poco funcional. Algunas organizaciones de la sociedad civil, se han organizado y han logrado desarrollar algunas iniciativas orientadas a hacer efectivo su derecho. Al igual que en los aspectos anteriores, el espacio de la llamada sociedad civil y movimientos sociales se ha transformado. De forma que:.

En efecto, las que fueran sus grandes centrales, desaparecieron o perdieron capacidad operativa. Y a estos movimientos se le fueron incorporando miembros de las antiguas patrullas locales, defensas civiles, grupos paramilitares que no fueron considerados en los acuerdos. A inicio del siglo XXI , Ramos sostiene que: " Por ejemplo, en radio la cantidad de frecuencias autorizadas ha aumentado. No se pretende que todos piensen igual. Para asegurar.

Paz para El Salvador". En torno a ella se pueden hacer cuatro consideraciones. Decreto legislativo No. En cuarto lugar , tal y como se puede observar en el cuadro II. Las cifras de las fuentes directas y de las indirectas no fueron sumadas. Se estima que hasta 3, denuncias se repitieron en ambas fuentes. Decreto Ejecutivo No. En sexto lugar , en las reformas constitucionales de se establece que el servicio militar es obligatorio. Estas leyes son las siguientes:.

La cual ha sido reformada en tres ocasiones por los decretos legislativos No. Decreto ejecutivo No. Por consiguiente, persiste el riesgo Sus deficiencias y problemas actuales son de naturaleza diferente. Son problemas de normal desarrollo institucional. Anderson coined the term imagined community to offer a definition of nation, and explains it in the following way: "It is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion" p.

Putting these two ideas together gives, as a result, that the inhabitants of the world who share an affiliation by speaking English are members of an imagined community that resides in the global village. The comradeship characteristic is enhanced by all the advantages ascribed to English, so by default, all members are afforded such advantages. The main goal of the men through its pnb is to foster the learning of English in Colombia so that the country can become part of belong to the global village:.

The National Bilingual Program aims to "ensure that citizens are able to communicate in English, so they can insert the country into the universal communication processes in the global economy and cultural opening with comparable international standards. Two main assumptions can be drawn from this excerpt. First, if Colombians are able to speak English automatically, they "belong" to the imagined community of English speakers that enjoy the benefits attached to that language. These benefits translate mainly into economic profits; interpreted in the light of Bourdieu's concept of convertibility of capital , this means that by acquiring the linguistic capital of a highly valued language in the linguistic market English , Colombians will have better jobs and opportunities for social mobility.

The second assumption stems from the first, and this is that as the result of adding up the individual profit, Colombia will belong to the international community with the same status as that of the first world countries. In order to belong to the elite nations of the world and to be recognized as one, multiple and complex elements need to be in play, not only promoting the learning of English among the citizens. This type of discourse has an impact on people's perceptions about the importance and reasons to learn English in Colombia.

Unfortunately, advocates of free trade agreements fail to realize that Colombia does not have the infrastructure, policies, logistics, and resources to compete in an open market. According to Romero , free trade agreements are sophisms aimed at distracting the attention over the fact of the unequal exchange of goods between powerful countries and third world countries like Colombia. In this sense, it would be utopian to consider that adopting English as a foreign language in Colombia will "insert" us in the global economy.

The aspiration of the Ministry of Education men for Colombia to belong to this imagined community finds a fertile ground in the same hope of some Colombian students.

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Within the English classroom, students are constructed as "the other" through the content of textbooks and teaching methodologies because they do not see themselves represented in any way Canagarajah,i; Ducar, ; Pennycook, a; Valencia-Giraldo, ; this fact might motivate students to long to belong to the imagined community of speakers of English. I seek opportunities to use what I know in English.

This group constitutes the exception, while the norm is that in the Colombian context, the majority of students do not have the occasion to practice English outside the school; in fact, within the school, these opportunities are limited because the surroundings are highly monolingual in Spanish. The men is aware of this situation, as seen in the next excerpt, but undermines it and does not state whose responsibility it is to overcome the problem:.

We know that in many institutions in the country, the classroom and school environment are the only spaces available for the use of English and that students' exposure to the language is limited. These conditions pose a great challenge to maximize all the opportunities that are available. This excerpt has two main sentences which differ greatly in terms of accountability. The first one is stated using first person plural Sabemos we know , indicating the authors' awareness of a limitation who represent the official voice of the men , though not assuming any responsibility in the fact; this type of structure masks a reality by presenting it as a natural event and not as something motivated by previous actions.

The classroom is the only available setting to practice English because Colombia is mainly a Spanish monolingual country. There is not enough time to practice because the Ministry of Education has not made any provisions to implement a project like the pnb, as it did not made any provisions for its previous project, Law in 8 , where the teaching of at least one foreign language in elementary school was mandatory, despite the fact that elementary school teachers did not know English nor how to teach it. In the second part of the excerpt, there is an abrupt change because the first person plural is no longer included; instead, the sentence starts with Estas condiciones these conditions.

In doing so, the authors distance themselves from being the sources of the challenge, and they stick to their assumption that the current state of schools in Colombia is a natural happening and that nobody, not even the official institutions, are to be blame. As a result, belonging to the imagined community of English is feasible for a few but an illusion for most students; it can create a local inner-outer dichotomy between those who might have access and those who do not Ramanathan, It is necessary to consider, though, that even for those who can have the forms of capital to become members of this desired community, the experience of "belonging" is not automatically granted.

It should not be generalized that by not being native speakers students will be automatically excluded as it should not be generalized that they will be automatically included. It all varies and depends on multilayered factors, too. The ways in which British colonization took place in India Canagarajah, and Hong Kong Pennycook, in relation to the status of English present some similarities with the pnb in Colombia. For one, English is associated with power, learning, science and civilization; at the same time English is promoted as the language of equity, but in fact, it contributes to the delivery and perpetuation of privilege and inequality because it favors the advantaged groups who have access to the right sort of linguistic capital.

It is very important that young Colombians take advantage of the equal educational opportunities being offered abroad, and which require specific performance levels in English. Being intellectually and professionally competent is also necessary; additionally, in order to obtain all the documentation required, including preparing for and taking international language tests and other exams, people need a social network and money.

On the other hand, this first statement is categorical in the sense that it excludes the possibility that any other foreign language can give access to scholarships and internships as well. English speaking countries are not the only ones that offer these opportunities; there are programs all around the world, even within South America and Spain, so Colombians would not need to learn a foreign language. To this date July 2 nd , according to the information found in the icetex Instituto Colombiano de Credito y Estudios Tecnicos en el Exterior there are sixty-one scholarship offers see table 3, pag.

In the second sentence of the example above it is assumed that English will give students the opportunity to compete under the same conditions en igualdad de condiciones. This is another problematic statement because given that standardized tests are used to select students for scholarship programs, these are, in most cases, unfairly constructed in the sense that only a certain type of knowledge is valued and therefore included and tested.

For this reason, it is not possible to talk about "equal" conditions, because they do not exist. The discourse of equality has influenced language policy decisions under the premise that speaking English gives equal opportunities particularly in the economic field, but this ideology blurs the recognition of the inequality to the access of ways to learn English. There is a big difference between attending public under-funded and overcrowded schools and attending elite private schools Tollefson, , and Colombia is not an exception.

In primary education, some institutions have one hour per week to teach English, and there are others which have not yet assigned time. In High School, the teaching of English has an average of two to four hours per week. The time allotted is enough to reach the standards, and therefore it is crucial to maximize class time by proposing appropriate educational activities and using multiple resources that meet students' needs and the objectives proposed by the teachers.

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Likewise, we recommend exploring all the possibilities offered by the world today, using media, music and internet, among others, that are close to the younger population. The first statement in the first example above shows the lack of knowledge the men has about the L2 teaching-learning process as well as the Colombian public education context. In relation to the former one, it is impossible to learn an L2 without having any sort of contact with it. So, if children in elementary school are to attain a Basic I proficiency level A 2.

Otherwise, the very same men is promoting and perpetuating inequality by restricting the access to the linguistic capital of English. The same is true in secondary education; while public schools have two to three hours per week, private schools have double or triple that time.

Given the strategic alliances of the education sector with the economic sector in Colombia to pursue this bilingual project, in which one of their objectives is to use proficiency in English as a criteria for job selection and promotion in table 5 pag. As such, the structure of the pnb, particularly in the establishment of the standards to be attained by Colombian students and the misconceptions in which it is founded, is set to make an unequal distribution of English language to the nationals.

This situation makes it very difficult for teachers to maximize the time in order to produce the results expected by the men. Furthermore, claiming that the internet is accessible to all Colombian students is a fallacy because the internet coverage in Colombia is very limited, and public schools are not an exception. There has been a mismatched ideology between people who want to acquire knowledge pursue a professional career and the institutions that offer and certify it.

The latter are, generally, motivated by the convertibility of their cultural capital into economic capital. Parents insist that their children study a career that will provide for them a good monetary situation; in this case, the economic interest is overt. Educational institutions, on the other hand, give relevance to knowledge for the sake of knowledge and not for the possibility to convert it into money, so education is seen as a non-lucrative service Zapata, When educational institutions exhibit any type of link with economic or monetary activities, they are strongly judged because they are failing their philosophy and are serving the interest of the capitalist world Fairclough, ; McLaren, Since the men represents and rules the education system in Colombia, it has to comply with the expectations and beliefs of Colombians in relation to the nature and purpose of schools and universities in the country.

Traditionally education has been seen mainly as a service, not a as business and it is not appropriate for the men to overtly present it as such. This explains the obscurity in presenting the economic advantages of English and hiding it through other benefits associated to the language like access to knowledge. The world is characterized by intercultural communication, by the increasing pace of scientific and technological advances and internationalization process.

These circumstances raise the need for a common language that allows the international society access to this new globalized world. Education enables human development and provides answers to the people that make up the society at various points in history. Particularly in Colombia, the General Education Law establishes as one of its purposes "the study and critical understanding of national culture and ethnic and cultural diversity of the country as the basis for national unity and identity.

Taking into account these rules and making use of their autonomy, the Colombian educational institutions have chosen to offer their students the opportunity to learn English as a foreign language, thus providing a useful tool intended to enable children and young people greater access to the world today. This is confirmed by data provided by icfes regarding the evidence of , in which ninety-nine percent of the students selected English in the state examination. The grounds are the premises that support a claim. In the example above, the authors weave their arguments to justify the choice of English as the language to be adopted in Colombia.

The grounds of the text are as follows: 1 The modern world is characterized by intercultural communication, scientific and technological advancement; 2 Education allows people to perform according to the needs of their time. The Warrants are i Colombian Educational Law establishes the importance of education; 2 One paramount aspect of education is the ability to use a foreign language.

The Backing of the Warrants in this case is the following: 1 the characteristics of the modern world demand the use of a common language. The claim is that the foreign and common language has to be English; finally, there is an additional backing to the claim, stating that institutions, in behalf of their autonomy, selected English, as motivated by students' foreign language choice in the national test, icfes. The deconstruction of the text using Toul-min's model unveils how the arguments are put together to unfold the connection between the production and consumption of knowledge, science, technology and culture, and English.

English brings the student near to several areas of science and culture, management of new technologies and social and cultural interaction. As seen in this excerpt, there is no mention of economic advantages attached to learning English. The justification for choosing English as the foreign language Colombians have to speak is related to a kind of enrichment bilingualism Fish-man, a whose purpose deals with cultural understanding, and in this particular case, access to knowledge, science, research, and technology.

What seems as a legitimate and innocent incentive to promote the learning of a foreign language English is, in fact, a strategy to build on assumptions already constructed in other contexts. As seen in table 2 pag. The statements in the example above are categorical: English is the language that gives access to knowledge. In a very ethnocentric fashion discussed below , the only valued knowledge is the one produced and spread in English.

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The implication that all the great philosophers, scientists, writers, and scholars have to be read in English denies students the possibility of approaching the great thinkers of humanity in their native languages. A vicious circle is being created: everything needs to be translated into English because that is the language people speak, and people learn English because everything is produced in English. Along with the categorical high status of English, Spanish is undervalued because despite the fact that it is one of the most widely spoken languages in the world, it is not enough for Colombians to access knowledge.

As a result, the access to knowledge is a farther possibility for a great number of Colombians. On the other hand, the assumption that speaking English functions as a democratic instrument that makes knowledge, technology, science and culture available to anyone is not completely the truth, at least not for everyone. In India, during the colonization, English was imposed as the official language under the premise that it would open to Indians the world of British literature and the universities in Europe; the result was that for some it never became a reality because poverty and customs prevented them from profiting from this opportunity Pennycook, In Colombia, the economic, political, social, and cultural situations suffer profound inequalities that cannot be solved by demanding that everybody speaks English to have access to development.

In the document analyzed here "Estandares", English is presented as a key that gives access to wonderland, meaning economic profits. In a rather naive perspective, the men places English as the magic formula that will solve our economic, social, cultural, and political problems; speaking English grants us "access" to the wide range of advantages associated to this language. Despite the fact that, at least in theory, the objective of the men is to legislate for everyone in Colombia, and part of the justification to launch the pnb was to give equal opportunities to less privileged or underprivileged groups, as I have shown throughout the analysis of data, the result is quite the opposite.

While there is a pretended equality in the discourse where standards are the same for everybody, and based on them the evaluation criteria will be the established the truth is that "equality" is a mirage. One of the strategies used to perpetuate views of the world is to rely on previous discourses and on assumptions.


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One such common assumption is that of fairness defined as giving everybody the same, and if everybody is equal then there is no question that in order to maintain equality there must not be a differentiated distribution of goods. From a critical perspective, the definition of fairness is quite different; it means to give each one what they need. This simple definition unfolds a many situations in which it is easy to spot the working of marginalization disguised in the discourse of equality. Spreading the idea that all Colombians have access to a good quality of education along with a good environment to learn English is a big fallacy, as discussed above.

Taking that for granted, and from there constructing the rest of the discourses that exalt the virtues of English, generates different expectations that might become true for a few but impossible for most. Unfortunately, it is very difficult to counter these discourses because they circulate in different fields of the society, so the more it circulates, the stronger it becomes and then becomes true like the short story written by Garcia Marquez titled "Algo terrible va a suceder en este pueblo.


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The discourse of access given by English has become so true that a lot of people, from academics to the security guards of an apartment complex, utter it with absolute certainty; there is no interrogation about the validity of that statement, and whoever questions it might be out of their minds. Those who propitiate the circulation of this discourse forget voluntarily? Simply speaking English is not enough; other forms of cultural capital are necessary other qualifications certified by an institution like diplomas or degrees : social capital belong to the right sort of social network and economic capital.

So although access seems available to all, there are a lot of constraints that make access unequal. Summing up, in such a complex, competitive, rich, plurilingual, pluricultural world like the one we live in, it is very narcissist and egocentric to think that speaking an important language like English is the key to solve all our problems. But what is even worse, is that this narcissistic and egocentric thought is not of one individual but the thought of a governmental office, and it is imposed to a whole nation regardless of the potential consequences. I would express my gratitude to the editor and the anonymous reviewer for their comments and suggestions during the process of publishing this article.

Any mistakes are exclusively my own. Formar en lenguas extranjeras, el reto. Free translation by the author. Law , states the mandatory teaching of a foreign language in public elementary schools. Unfortunately this still is a problem for elementary school teachers because they have not had the preparation to teach English and it is a constant struggle for them to comply with the requirements of the Ministry of Education.

Anderson, B. Bourdieu, P. G Richardson Ed. Handbook of theory and research for the sociology of education, New York, Greenwood Press, pp. Canagarajah, S. Oxford, Oxford University Press. Hinkel Ed. L , From the president. Rio de Janeiro. Bogoya Ed. Lenguaje, 21, Colombian Applied Linguistics Journal, 8, Revista Semana. Crystal, D Emerging Englishes. English Teaching Professional,14, M Migraciones de colombianos a los Estados Unidos. Retrieved: June 26,