- Fantas as Er ticas : (erotic Fantasies)
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Hombres solteros eran a menudo considerados excluidos del cielo, y que no eran del todo hombres. Las escrituras no dicen nada. Cada estado es un don de Dios. Y, ser soltero o casado es un don especial de Dios. Cada estado, casado o soltero, necesita dones especiales de Dios para obrar. El casado debe vivir fielmente a su esposa, y el soltero debe vivir celibato.
Todo es de acuerdo con el don del individuo. Recuerda que Pablo le dijo a Timoteo que prohibir el matrimonio era una doctrina de demonios 1 Timoteo Y, si Dios no reconoce el divorcio, entonces el individuo no es libre de volverse a casar — solo se pueden reconciliar con su primer pareja. Mateo Dios nunca reconoce un divorcio por tales razones. Santificado , en este contexto, no significa que el esposo no creyente es salvo solo por estar casado con una cristiana. Sin embargo, no tenemos una seguridad similar para los hijos de padres que no son cristianos.
De hecho, el sentido del texto argumenta en contra de ellos. Si los hijos de los padres no-cristianos son salvos, y van al cielo — incluso algunos de ellos — es importante entender que no es porque ellos sean inocentes. No se circuncide. Incluso el ser circunciso o incircunciso es irrelevante cuando se trata de servir a Dios, del mismo modo lo es tu estado matrimonial. Nunca nos debemos poner a nosotros bajo el control o influencia inapropiada de otros. Entonces, debemos darle la espalda a todas estas cosas.
No procures soltarte. No procures casarte. A causa de la necesidad que apremia. Esto puede parecer muy lejano para nosotros, pero no lo era para los cristianos del primer siglo. Pero esto digo, hermanos: que el tiempo es corto; resta, pues, que los que tienen esposa sean como si no la tuviesen; y los que lloran, como si no llorasen; y los que se alegran, como si no se alegrasen; y los que compran, como si no poseyesen; y los que disfrutan de este mundo, como si no lo disfrutasen; porque la apariencia de este mundo se pasa.
El tiempo es corto : Algunos critican a Pablo, o incluso lo declaran como un falso profeta, porque dice el tiempo es corto. Quisiera, pues, que estuvieseis sin congoja. Hay asimismo diferencia entre la casada y la doncella. De manera que el que la da en casamiento hace bien, y el que no la da en casamiento hace mejor.
Pero si alguno piensa que es impropio para su hija virgen : El hombre al que Pablo se refiere es al padre de una joven en edad de casarse su hija virgen. Por supuesto, una viuda tiene el derecho de volverse a casar si su marido muriere, libre es para casarse con quien quiera. Since the text and audio content provided by BLB represent a range of evangelical traditions, all of the ideas and principles conveyed in the resource materials are not necessarily affirmed, in total, by this ministry.
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Fantas as Er ticas : (erotic Fantasies)
None — Jhn KJV. Square — [Jhn KJV]. Parens — Jhn KJV. Abbreviate Books. Quotes Around Verses. Remove Square Brackets. Help Video Tutorials 1. Quickstart Guide 2. Essentials - The Bible 3. Also, the figure does not include Chavacano speakers of the Filipino diaspora. Chavacano speakers are possibly found elsewhere in Sabah as Sabah was under partial Spanish sovereignty and via Filipino refugees who escaped from Zamboanga Peninsula and predominantly Muslim areas of Mindanao like Sulu Archipelago.
A small number of Zamboanga's indigenous peoples and of Basilan, such as the Tausugs , the Samals , and the Yakans , majority of those people are Sunni Muslims , also speak the language. In the close provinces of Sulu and Tawi-Tawi areas, there are Muslim speakers of the Chavacano de Zamboanga , all of them are neighbors of Christians. Chavacano has been primarily and practically a spoken language. In the past, its use in literature was limited and chiefly local to the geographical location where the particular variety of the language was spoken.
Its use as a spoken language far exceeds its use in literary work in comparison to the use of Spanish in the Philippines which was more successful as a written language than a spoken language. In recent years, there have been efforts to encourage the use of Chavacano as a written language, but the attempts were mostly minor attempts in folklore and religious literature and few pieces of written materials by the print media.
As Chavacano is spoken by Muslims as second language not only in Zamboanga City and Basilan but even in Sulu and Tawi-tawi, a number of Qur'an books are published in Chavacano. It serves as a medium of instruction from kindergarten to grade 3 and as a separate subject Mother Tongue from grades 1 to 3. For the initiated speakers, Chavacano can be intelligible to some Spanish speakers, and while most Spanish words can easily be understood by Chavacano speakers, many would struggle to understand a complete Spanish sentence. The term Chavacano or Chabacano originated from the Spanish word chabacano which literally means "poor taste", "vulgar", "common", "of low quality", or "coarse".
Chavacano has since evolved into a word of its own in different spellings with no negative connotation, but to simply being the name of the language itself. During the Spanish colonial period, what is today called Chavacano was also called by the Spanish-speaking population as the " lenguaje de la calle ", " lenguaje de parian " language of the street , or " lenguaje de cocina " kitchen Spanish to refer to the Chabacano spoken by the people of Manila, particularly in Ermita to distinguish it from the Spanish language spoken by those of the upper class, which consisted of Spaniards and educated Natives.
The varieties of the language are geographically related. Language speakers in Ternate also use the term Bahra to refer to their language and their city. Chavacano varieties usually have their area name attached to the language. In Zamboanga City, most people are using the V in spelling the language as Chavacano. In the three-day Chavacano Orthography Congress held on Nov , , wherein it included the presentation by researchers on Chavacano, mostly results from surveys conducted among selected respondents in the city, the newly organized Chavacano Orthography Council met with the officials of the Department of Education and agreed among others that the language is to be spelled with the V.
There is no definite conclusion on the precise history of how these different varieties of Chavacano developed. Prior to the formation of what is today the Philippines, what existed were a collection of various islands and different ethnolinguistic groups inhabiting them. The Spanish colonisation of the Philippine islands had led to the presence of the Spanish language in the islands.
Though Spanish was the language of the government, the various languages originating and found in the islands remained the mother tongue of the various inhabitants. Instead of using Spanish to spread Christianity, Spanish missionaries preferred to learn the various local languages. With over years of Spanish colonial rule, the Spanish language came to influence the various Philippine languages to varying degrees by way of aspects like new loanwords and expressions.
Creole languages such as French-based creoles have formed at various points in time around the world due to colonialism. As a result of contact between speakers of two mutually non-intelligible languages, creole languages have evolved in some cases to facilitate communication. This usually involves taking the vocabulary of another language and grammatical features of the native language. In contrast to the numerous French-based creole languages, only three creole languages have been found to be Spanish-based or heavily influenced: Papiamento , Palenquero , and Chavacano.
However, the kind of vernacular referred to by these terms are imprecise and these terms may refer to a fully fledged creole or to a Spanish-pidgin spoken by Chinese and Filipino merchants. The manner of formation of this type of speech found in a number of communities around the Philippines remains unclear today. In the work of German linguist Hugo Schuchardt Uber das Malaiospanische der Philippinen , he presents fragments of texts and comments of what he calls "Malayo-Spanish".
However, the first to give a general study and investigation of the varieties of Chavacano as a group was by Keith Whinnom in his work The Spanish Contact Vernaculars in the Philippine Islands. In it, he also postulated his monogenetic theory on the origin of these vernaculars. Linguists are unsettled on how these vernaculars formed and how they connect to one another, if any.
There are many theories but the two main theories of the origin of Chavacano are: Whinnom's "monogenetic theory" and a "parallel-development" theory proposed by Frake in According to the Monogentic theory or one-way theory advanced by Whinnom, all varieties of Chavacano result from a single source and that varieties are related to each other. The parallel development theory or two-way theory as advocated by Frake in , the variants found in Luzon and Mindanao had evolved autonomously from each other.
Bombardment and harassment from pirates and raiders of the sultans of Mindanao and Jolo and the determination to spread Christianity further south as Zamboanga was a crucial strategic location of the Philippines forced the Spanish missionary friars to request reinforcements from the colonial government.
The military authorities decided to import labour from Luzon and the Visayas. Thus, the construction workforce eventually consisted of Spanish, Mexican and Peruvian soldiers, masons from Cavite who comprised the majority , sacadas from Cebu and Iloilo, and those from the various local tribes of Zamboanga like the Samals and Subanons. Language differences made it difficult for one ethnic group to communicate with another.
To add to this, work instructions were issued in Spanish. The majority of the workers were unschooled and therefore did not understand Spanish but needed to communicate with each other and the Spaniards. When the Sultanate of Sulu gave up its territories in Sulu Archipelago to Spain within late s Sulu Sultanate gave up Basilan to Spain in , while Sulu and Tawi-tawi were not given up by sultanate because the Sulu Sultanate only recognised partial Spanish sovereignty to Sulu and Tawi-tawi , Spanish settlers and soldiers brought the language to the region until Spain, Germany , and United Kingdom signed an agreement named the Madrid Protocol of that recognised Spanish rule of Sulu Archipelago.
From then on, constant Spanish military reinforcements as well as increased presence of Spanish religious and educational institutions have fostered the Spanish creole. The Merdicas also spelled Mardicas or Mardikas were Catholic natives of the islands of Ternate and Tidore of the Moluccas in the vicinity of the island of Papua, converted during the Portuguese occupation of the islands by Jesuit missionaries.
The islands were later captured by the Spanish who vied for their control with the Dutch. In , the Spanish garrison in Ternate were forced to pull out to defend Manila against an impending invasion by the Chinese pirate Koxinga sacrificing the Moluccas to the Dutch in doing so.
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A number of Merdicas volunteered to help, eventually being resettled in a sandbar near the mouth of the Maragondon river known as the Barra de Maragondon and Tanza, Cavite , Manila. The invasion did not occur as Koxinga fell ill and died. The Merdicas community eventually integrated into the local population.
El viento no mas el que ta alborota, el viento y el pecho de Felisa que ta lleno de sampaguitas na fuera y lleno de suspiros na dentro This variety is considered to be virtually extinct. Ansina ya ba numa? Entonces, no nos olvidemos de ellos. We can say what great sacrifices our heroes have done to achieve our independence. We should therefore not forget them.
Is it like this? We should do things to let it be known that we appreciate the heroes; that we are prepared to make sacrifices for our people. Broadly speaking, the formal register is closer to Spanish, and the colloquial register to the local Austronesian languages. The common or familiar register is used ordinarily when conversing with people of equal or lower status in society. It is also used more commonly in the family, with friends and acquaintances. Its use is of general acceptance and usage. The formal register is used especially when conversing with people of higher status in society.
It is also used when conversing with elders especially in the family and with older relatives and those in authority. It is the form used in speeches, education, media, and writing. The formal register used in conversation is sometimes mixed with some degree of colloquial register. The following examples show a contrast between the usage of formal words and common or familiar words in Chavacano:.
Chavacano is written using the Latin script. As Chavacano has mostly been a spoken language than a written one, multiple ways of writing the different varieties of Chavacano exist.
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Most published Chavacano texts utilize spelling systems nearly identical to Spanish, adjusting certain spellings of words to reflect how they are pronounced by native Chavacano speakers. Since the propagation of the usage of the Filipino language in education and the media as the national language, Filipino's orthography has affected how certain persons might spell Chavacano, especially since recent generations have grown unfamiliar with Spanish orthography; Most published works, and the general media, however more often retain Spanish-based spelling systems.
The kind of writing system used to write Chavacano may differ according to the writer of the text. Writing may be written using a Spanish-derived writing system, where all words including words of local origin are spelled adhering to basic Spanish orthographic rules; it may also be written "phonetically", similar to the modern orthography of Filipino; another writing style uses a mixture of the two, spelling words based on an etymological approach.
In principle, words of Spanish origin are to be spelled using Spanish rules while Chavacano words of local origin are spelled in the manner according to their origin. Thus, the letter k appear mostly in words of Austronesian origin or in loanwords from other Philippine languages words such as kame , kita , kanamon , kaninyo. It is uncommon in modern written works to include the acute accent and the trema in writing except in linguistic or highly formalized texts.
Some sounds are not represented in the Chavacano written language. These sounds are mostly in words of Philippine and foreign origin. Furthermore, the pronunciation of some words of Spanish origin have become distorted or Philippinized in modern Chavacano. Some vowels have become allophonized 'e' and 'o' becomes 'i' and 'u' in some words and some consonants have changed their pronunciation. These sounds are mainly found in words of Philippine origin and are only indicated in dictionaries i.
Chavacano is a language with the verb—subject—object sentence order. This is because it follows the Hiligaynon or Tagalog grammatical structures. However, the subject—verb—object order does exist in Chavacano but only for emphasis purposes see below.
Por | Spanish to English Translation - SpanishDict
New generations have been slowly and vigorously using the S-V-O pattern mainly because of the influence of the English language. These recent practices have been most prevalent and evident in the mass media particularly among Chavacano newswriters who translate news leads from English or Tagalog to Chavacano where the "who" is emphasized more than the "what". Chavacano generally follows the simple verb—subject—object or verb—object—subject sentence structure typical of Hiligaynon or Tagalog in declarative affirmative sentences:. The subject always appears after the verb, and in cases where pronominal subjects such as personal pronouns are used in sentences, they will never occur before the verb:.
This manner of negating the predicate always happens in the verb—subject—object or verb—object—subject sentence structure:. The negator jendeh can appear before the subject in a subject—verb—object structure to negate the subject rather than the predicate in the present, past, and future tenses:. The negator nunca can appear before the subject in a subject—verb—object structure to strongly negate or denote impossibility the subject rather than the predicate in the future tense:.
The negator no hay and nunca can also appear before the subject to negate the predicate in a subject—verb—object structure in the past and future tenses respectively. Using nunca before the subject to negate the predicate in a subject—verb—object structure denotes strong negation or impossibility for the subject to perform the action in the future:.
The Chavacano definite article el precedes a singular noun or a plural marker for a plural noun. The indefinite article un stays constant for gender as 'una' has almost completely disappeared in Chavacano, except for some phrases like "una vez". It also stays constant for number as for singular nouns. In Chavacano, it is quite common for el and un to appear together before a singular noun, the former to denote certainty and the latter to denote number:. Nouns in Chavacano are not always preceded by articles. Without an article, a noun is a generic reference:.
Proper names of persons are preceded by the definite article si or the phrase un tal functioning as an indefinite article would:. Unlike in Spanish, Chavacano nouns derived from Spanish do not follow gender rules in general. The Spanish article 'la' for feminine singular nouns does exist in Chavacano, though it occurs rarely and mostly in the formal medium of writing, such as poems and lyrics. When accompanying a Spanish feminine noun, the 'la' as the article is more tolerated than acceptable.
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Among the few exceptions where the 'la' occurs is as a formal prefix when addressing the Blessed Virgin Mary, perhaps more as an emphasis of her importance in Christian devotion. But the real article is still the 'el', which makes this use of a "double article" quite unique. Thus it is common to hear the Blessed Virgin addressed in Chavacano as 'el La Virgen Maria' the "L" of the 'la' capitalized to signify its permanent position within the noun compound. In general, though, when in doubt, the article 'el' is always safe to use.
And just like Spanish, Chavacano nouns can have gender but only when referring to persons. However, they are always masculine in the sense Spanish context that they are generally preceded by the article 'el'. Places and things are almost always masculine. The -o is dropped in masculine nouns and -a is added to make the noun feminine:. Not all nouns referring to persons can become feminine nouns.
In Chavacano, some names of persons are masculine because of the preceding article 'el' in Spanish context but do not end in -o. Names of places and things can be either masculine or feminine, but they are considered masculine in the Spanish context because the article 'el' always precedes the noun:.