Manual Das Domkapitel in Rechtsgeschichte und Gegenwart (German Edition)

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In his later years, he taught theology and worked as a prefect in Hungarian colleges of Eger and Gyor, Zagreb, Transylvania, Vienna Neustadt, and Buda.

Menschen am Dom – Dompropst Kurt Schulte

There were some rumors about the Jesuit house in Ptuj in the first place, but it was considered to be too close to the dangerous Turkish border. Jesuits tried to establish the college and gymnasium in Maribor already in , but succeeded only a hundred and thirty-seven years later, which seems to be the all-world record. Kaugg, Tractatus in 8to Libros Physicorum Aristotelis, v. Kaugg, Tractatus in 8to Libros Physicorum Aristotelis, vr. Kaugg, Tractatus 3tius in Physica Aristotelis particularis, v Kaugg, Tractatus 3tius in Physica Aristotelis particularis, rv, r. Kaugg, Tractatus 3tius in Physica Aristotelis particularis, v.

Kaugg, Tractatus 3tius in Physica Aristotelis particularis, r. Kaugg, Tractatus 3tius in Physica Aristotelis particularis, r, v. Fuchs33 built the church of Saint Alojzij and school buildings between March 11, and After his doctorate in philosophy, Halloy taught mathematics in Trnava, Vienna and Graz. In Graz he also directed the observatory and physical museum.

The Carniolan baron Apfaltrer35 was somewhat older than Halloy, and helped him during the first years of the Maribor residence. Apfaltrer was the novice in Ljubljana and studied philosophy in Graz and theology in Vienna. Soon after, he began to teach the triple philosophical course in Ljubljana with physics in the second year in He repeated similar courses right after in Vienna in , and again in as the dean of the philosophy professors. In Vienna, he published about the history of science,36 and the bibliography of Viennese Jesuits to complete the work of Rechbach, Dolens, and Joseph Carla of Apfaltrer was a descendant of the old Carniolan nobility and very interested in warfare, which was not at all rare among the Jesuits.

After several leading positions in Graz, Gorica, and Ljubljana, Apfaltrer became the superior and prefect of scholars in Maribor from until May 28, He did a good job and learned a lot from Halloy. They were chosen for their abilities in. In: Ignacijeva karizma na Slovenskem, Kranj , p. Peter pl. Viennae, Pars I. Saeculum I. Ernest Apfaltrer, Civicum Augustae sium arma mentarium colloquiis familiaribus lustratum et honoribus illustrissimorum Neo - Doctorum cum in Ernesto Apfaltrer, e Soc.

Jesu, artium liberalium et Philosophiae doctore, ejusdem Professore emeritus Viennae Austriae: Ex Typographia Kaliwodiana, , p. The Maribor Jesuit gymnasium was closed after only a quarter of a century. On October 12, , the suppression of the Jesuit order was read to ten fathers and two brothers of the Maribor residence.

They were not a small fraction of hundredforty Jesuits in all lands inhabited with Slovenes in those times. During the comparatively short time of the Maribor Jesuit gymnasium, the town did not develop the higher studies mathematical and physical lessons for the students outside the Jesuit order. After the suppression, mathematician Halloy still supervised the lessons of arithmetic with elements of algebra and geometry and the separate lessons on natural philosophy for the final Maribor gymnasium examinations. On November 9, , the former Jesuit lower studies in Maribor were abandoned for two years.

Just two years later, on November 3, , three ex-Jesuit teachers continued lecturing in the Maribor gymnasium with some Piarists joining them later. He was the younger relative of Anton Kaschuttnigg,42 who taught philosophy in Graz before him. They rebuild the nice castle with a lovely wine gar-. Ljubljana , pp. Fourth table with meanders of the river and the sighting measurement of the height of the fortress tower. The author was the famous mathematician Kaschuttnigg, who died in Maribor or in Wolfsberg, 30 km north of Maribor, in or two years later Kaschuttnigg, Prima elementa Arithmeticae, Algebrae, Trigonometriae planae et sphaericae, Architecturae civilis et militaris, Academicis praelectionibus accomodata.

Graecii: Typis Widmanstandii, Table IV geometry between pp. As a youngster at sixteen, Janez joined the Jesuit order. After the usual practice in lower studies teaching, he taught mathematics in Trnava in , mathematics and physics in Vienna and in Theresianum between , and mathematics at the university of Graz in and He directed the observatory and the cabinet for applied mathematics in Graz,44 after Halloy left for Maribor.

During his extremely productive years in Vienna and Graz, Kaschuttnigg published five books, among them one about the exciting glassy and shining noble minerals. In , he published a textbook of pure and applied mathematics and reprinted it in Both editions were similar, the difference was that the second one had uniform pagination and the first one paginated each of the.

Stoeger, Scriptores Provinciae Austriacae, p. Janez Krstnik Kaschuttnigg, Regni Mineralis pars nobilior lapides vitrescentes et gemmae brevi compendio propositae. Viennae: Trattner, The paragraphs were: arithmetic, algebra, practical geometry, plane trigonometry, spherical trigonometry, civil architecture, and military architecture. He ascribed the invention of the powder to the Franciscan monk and not to the Chinese. As Apfaltrer before him, Kaschuttnigg was also very interested in the warfare, but more in connection with his mathematics.

Kaschuttnigg tabled the caliber, powder loading, length of the barrel, and elevation. Next, Kaschuttnigg published the logarithm tables of natural numbers up to with seven decimal places. Tricarico left Graz for the Ljubljana chair of philosophy in Mayer probably introduced Linhart into the freemason Vienna circles. Dollenc was the professor of philosophy in Graz. Regnault discussed the ideas of temperature and heat. Reprint NUK Translation: Physicae recentioris Origo antiqua, per dialogos epistolares demonstrata.

Authore R. Regnault e Societate Jesu. E gallico recens latine reddita. Auditoribus oblata a perillustri, ac perdocto D. LV: Typis Haeredum Widmanstadii. Bound with: Dum assertiones ex Philosophia universa ex praelectionibus admodum Reverendi P. Francisci Tricarico e Societate Jesu, Philos. Et Examinatoris, admodum Reverendi P. Et Examinatoris; admodum reverendi P. Kaschutnig e Societate Jesu, Matheseos Prof.

LV, mense Augusto, die 24, Alfonz Gspan. Book one, Ljubljana , p. Ljubljana , p. Regnault wrote Galileo style conversations between Aristus and Eudoxus, divided into seventeen dialogues. Regnault cited philosopher Bayle,58 and discussed the properties of the steam. In the paragraph about the luminescence, Regnault used the works of Pliny,. Galileo, and du Fay. Regnault began with spheres of Heaven and Earth and than discussed the Earth: minerals, Subterranean fire, and Mineral water.

Next, he switched to Weather and Thunder connected with the Sound. After some astronomy of the Shining stars and their fire, he discussed the humans Senses of touch, taste, and smell. He added the Sense of hearing and sound. He described the Eye, and with human sight he resumed his optical lectures. He described the Light, Transparent bodies, Illuminants and phosphors, Sight, Different optic problems; and Spectacles. After he left Graz, Kaschuttnigg taught theology in Bavarian Passau. Next, he returned to his native Carinthia as the prefect of scholars in Klagenfurt and the superior in Millstatt, the Jesuit possession governed from Graz.

After the suppression, he probably did not feel safe enough in Graz, and he spent his last years in southern Styria around Maribor as one of the most eminent mathematicians ever in that area. The exact place of his death is somewhat debatable even in Jesuit sources. Conclusion Until recently, the Lower Styrian Jesuits were relatively poorly known in Slovene historiography.

We proved that their works and positions were important enough to deserve some admiration from the broader Slovene public.


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Zusammenfassung: Der folgende Beitrag behandelt die Entstehungsgeschichte der evangelischen Gemeinde in Maribor Marburg a. Die Gemeindemitglieder waren vor allem Zuwanderer aus deutschen Sprachgebieten, so dass die Sprache beim evangelischen Gottesdienst bis Deutsch blieb. Die Gemeinde, bis Teil des Triester und seitdem Teil des steirischen Seniorats, hatte einige ausgesprochen krisenhafte Perioden in ihrer Geschichte, trotz allem konnte sich aber das evangelische Leben in der Stadt an der Drau erhalten.

Jahrhunderts hervorgingen. Damals enstanden die drei wichtigsten Protestantengemeinschaften: die lutherische bzw. Diese zerfielen seit dem Jahrhundert in weitere kleinere Glaubensgemeinschaften, so dass es heute mehr als ein tausend verschiedene Kirchen gibt. Er stand unter Einfluss zweier geistiger Bewegungen des Toleranzpatent vom Weisheit und tiefer Menschlichkeit zeugt. Ganz bestimmt war das eine wichtige Neuheit in der Religionspolitik der Habsburger, war es ja noch Maria Theresia, die die Aussiedlung der Protestanten nach Ungarn bevorzugt hatte. Helvetische Konfession bzw. Augsburgisches Bekenntnis bzw.

Gewiss konnte die Arbeit der evangelischer Seelsorger Pfarrer bzw. Pastoren in einem Land, in dem die katholische Kirche die Oberhand hatte, nicht problemlos verlaufen. Josip Gruden, Zgodovina slovenskega naroda, Klagenfurt , S. Das s.

Academic Interests and Catholic Confessionalisation

Die Evangelischen A. Oberkirchenrat in Wien. Leidenfrost blieb noch Jahrzehntelang ein wichtiger und einflussreicher Mitglied der Grazer Kirchengemeinde, auch politisch engagiert von bis Gemeinderat. An den Synodalversammlungen durften die ernannten bzw. Die Presbyter die s. In der Mitte des Jahrhunderts breitete sich die Stadt Marburg auf die Vororte aus. So wurde die Bahn zum Hauptfaktor des industriellen und wirtschaftlichen Aufschwungs der Stadt an der Drau. Da sich die Zahl der nichtkatholischen Zuwanderer im Deshalb appellierte man seit an den k.

Der Hutmacher Heinrich Jalas, Zuwanderer aus Mecklenburg und ein eifriger Evangelischer, konnte seine Glaubensgenossen zum Ankauf einer Bauparzelle in der Luther Gasse heute Trubarjeva ulica 1 bewegen, um dort in naher Zukunft eine Kirche samt Pfarrhaus aufzubauen. Ebenda, S. Marburg war also die Muttergemeinde, Pettau die Filialgemeinde. So konnte endlich der letzte Gottesdienst in der gemieteten Kapelle stattfinden. August wurde die neue Kirche, Christuskirche benannt, feierlich eingeweiht.

Die Kosten betrugen Ordnung bei der feierlichen Einweihung der evangelischen Kirche am 1. August Zu Beginn der 70er Jahre des Jahrhunderts In den letzten zwanzig Jahren des Zu diesem Zeitpunkt stand die evangelische Gemeinde Marburg kurz vor Zusammenbruch. Schroll leitete auch die Vorbereitungen zu neuen Pfarrerswahlen. Oberkirchenrates in Wien.

Jahrhunderts45 und spielte eine merkliche Rolle in der Zeit, als es wieder zu Auseinandersetzungen zwischen der katholischen und evangelischen Religion kam. Die Los-von-Rom-Bewegung Das Jahrhundert war die Geburtsepoche der modernen Nationalismen. Jahrhunderts die Nationalbewegung in Wien. Interessanterweise distanzierte sich von der Los-von-Rom-Bewegung auch der k.

Jahrhunderts erreichte. Einladung zur Pfarrwahl, Oktober Nachdem vom k. Diese fand am Oktober im evangelischen Pfarrhaus statt. Der Laibacher Pfarrer Michael Becker stellte z. Die Pettauer Evangelischen bekamen ihren eigenen Vikar. Cilli, seit Filiale der Laibacher Kirchengemeinde H. Ludwig Mahnert, der seit Vikar in Mahrenberg gewesen war und dort von. PAM, Zuschrift des k. Oberkirchenrates, Dokument Z. Die stimmberechtigten Gemeindemitglieder mussten die beiden Zettel zur Wahl mitbringen.

Die Slowenen wurden als zweitklassig betrachtet. Janez Cvirn, Trdnjavski trikotnik, Maribor , S. Damit wollten die Katholischen ihren Dissens mit der deutsch-evangelischen Ansiedlung St. Janez Cvirn, Trdnjavski trikotnik, Maribor,, S. Pastor Ludwig Mahnert. Rudolf Pertassek, Marburg an der Drau. Egydis und trug auch viel dazu bei, dass die evangelische Gemeinde Marburg zum Teil des. Dabei arbeitete er zusammen mit Senior Eckardt. Oberkirchenrat genehmigte in seiner Verordnung vom Juni die Umpfarrung des Marburger Pfarrsprengels zum steirischen Seniorat.

Der Krieg sollte nach Voraussichten der verfeindeten Seiten nur von kurzer Dauer sein. Nach dem Kriegsausbruch kam es in der Steiermark zu Staatsnotstand. Zum Neujahr war ihre Situation niederschmetternd. Der k. PAM, Zuschrift vom k. Oberkirchenrat, den Dezember , Dokument Z. Zahlreiche Bittrufe, die man in den 70er und 80er Jahren an verschiedene evangelische Organisationen und Anstalten verfasste, zeugen davon, dass die finanzielle Situation der Gemeinde und die Moral ihrer Mitglieder auch weiterhin miserabel waren.

Sem so prihajali obrtniki, delavci, trgovci, uradniki, vojaki idr. Avgusta je bila Kristusova cerkev slovesno blagoslovljena. It shows also the role of dr. The incentive for the formation of this party in Croatia came from the SPP itself, but it was also encouraged by the Croatian side.

The founding members of the party were to be the SPP and a group gathered around the Zagreb newspaper Narodna politika. Newspaper Obzor conceived the campaign as an impairment of Croatian parties by Slovenian supporters of political Catholicism with the aid of their Croatian colleagues.

Hercegovski Hrvatje Vseslovenski ljudski stranki, Slovenec, January 18, , nr. Fuzija starih grup v novo stranko, Slovenski narod, April 25, , nr. Nevertheless, there were reports from Herzegovina of the successful formation of the CPP. The paper cited the National Club as the alternative since it would probably represent Croatian interest more resolutely. The meeting was attended by representatives of various ranks from Zagreb and its surroundings, as well as by representatives of the party from Dalmatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, present was also the Zagreb archbishop, Dr Ante Bauer.

Ljudska stranka za Hrvatsko in Slavonijo, Slovenec, May 9, , nr. However, the party emphasised to strive for national unity and the resolution of tribal disputes, at the same time refusing the centralisation that was in their opinion inappropriate. This was impossible, according to Slovenian liberals, since at the time, the SPP was founding a party in Croatia that would be the biggest competitor of the National Club. One of them, Obzor, analysed the former role of the SPP, as well as its present influence, and concluded that the party took the wrong direction from the very start when it aimed to collaborate with all political parties and various political orientations.

However, its biggest mistake was supposedly when it strived to improve its position in Belgrade by broadening its activities also among Croats. Obzor claimed that the Croatian public was calmly observing the aspirations of the SPP until it realised what were its actual aims. Ljubljana is ours, now we will conquer Zagreb and after that we are going for Sarajevo and Belgrade.

Nevertheless, the wish for collaboration had not faded.

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However, there was also a preliminary meeting of the CPP representatives and the National Club in Sarajevo, which regrettably brought no agreement. It elaborated, however, that it opposed the meeting because it was aware that it would join all the fiercest adversaries of the YPP. It demanded that the CPP in Bosnia remain independent and it was willing to make one concession - to abandon its connections to the SPP - but it would still adhere to its programme, especially concerning the culture.

The meeting discussed, among other issues, the representation in the parliament: it would be either the Yugoslav Club with only three Croats sitting next to Slovenians, or the National Club, in which there were exclusively Croatian representatives. Its ranks expand in the proud Bosnia and Herzegovina, because the people can distinguish well between the genuine and the counterfeit. Both factions claimed the primacy in the battle for Croatian demands.

Even so, there were still people who demanded the cooperation and alliance between the clubs. Sastanak u Travniku, Hrvat, August 18, , nr. All this failed to convince the SPP or rather the YPP that their activities in Croatia were a mistake; on the contrary, it felt it was necessary. He presented the YPP with another task — it was to organise Croatian farmers not only politically, but also economically with the assistance of economic experts that the YPP would send to Croatia to form cooperatives.

However, its tactics were not successful and failed to convince anybody. It emphasised that Slovenians formed their own party in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Croatia that, politically, weakened Croats and perked up Slovenians. The new party was supposedly the reason for disputes among Croats living in Bosnia and Herzegovina, there also emerged religious intolerance. In Dalmatia, too, there were frictions among people.

The worst of all, according to Obzor, was that the CPP adopted the programme of the Croatian Community in which it emphasised Catholicism to distinguish itself from other parties. Obzor believed that the biggest sin of the party was that it embraced Ljubljana as its centre and carried out tasks assigned to it by the Slovenian leadership.

The former and specifically a group of young politicians gathered around the Zagreb newspaper Narodna politika opposed the agreement; nevertheless the CPP leadership defended its standpoint claiming that the anti-centralistic parties would win less parliament seats if they went to the elections with a common candidate lists than they would in case of individual candidacies. Moreover, it claimed that the leadership of the party cared more about personal benefits than about interests of people in Croatia, as well as in Slavonia. Croats were facing a rift on the issue of the election agreement with the CPP.

The newspaper Obzor observed that the agreement was actually of a lesser importance, since in the parliament the CPP would have to act against the centralism if it adhered to its programme, and that was exactly what the Croatian Community together with most Slovenians was opposed to. Several people emphasised that the opposition of the CPP to politics of the SPP regarding the agreement with Croatian Community was nothing but a proof that the CPP was in fact an independent party and not a mere part of the SPP; furthermore it confirmed that it made independent decisions regarding its activities.

The newspaper Hrvatska obrana, which was a mouthpiece of the Croatian Community, claimed that the. Tko s vragom tikve sadi, Hrvat, September 28, , nr. Zagreb, 4. In its opinion, the CPP renounced Slovenians only because it wanted to win the elections. In fact he is the one who needs guidance to keep afloat but at the expense of the Croatian part of our nation. The newspaper Slovenec wrote rather optimistically that the success of the CPP was reasonable considering that the party was still in its infancy, and that it signalled that it had a successful future.

There were reports that the dispute was caused by the issue whether representatives of the party, e. He and his supporters organised gatherings in the Croatian territory and used the efforts of the Yugoslav Club in the constitutional committee for the purpose of propaganda. He emphasised that the government should be prevented to come through with its centralistic constitutional proposal since it would not solve the issue of the constitution.

U spomenar Hrvatskoj zajednici, Hrvatska obrana, October 31, , nr. Konsternirani klerikalci, Hrvat, October 23, , nr. However, the fight for Catholicism represented, among other things, the basis for the cooperation of Slovenians and Croats against Serbs and the centralistic system that endangered the two nations. It evolved into an even bigger threat when it was actually installed — with the adoption of the first constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians on 28th June The majority of Slovenians and Croats opposed it, but it was nevertheless adopted against the will of the majority of both nations.

The liberal newspaper Novo doba from Split accused him, according to the newspaper Slovenski narod, that he visited Dalmatia only to provoke a dispute between local Serbs and Croats. In Dalmatia, he was allegedly preaching hatred and incited disputes among parties, which was a proof that he cared more about the interests of his party than about the interests of the Croatian nation. The newspaper felt very strongly about his statement that the catholic religion in Croatia was endangered and that there was a cultural struggle going on there.

Novo doba, however, wrote that one could sooner accuse Ljubljana and Zagreb of such a struggle, not Belgrade. The responsibilities of the Constituent Assembly ceased at the very moment of the adoption of the constitution; nevertheless, it did not dis-. Sijajen shod dr. Thus the CPP remained the only Croatian party to stay in Belgrade and to be active in the assembly while the unified representation of Croatian opposition parties was ruined.

Consequently, he stressed that the Yugoslav Club fought courageously for the autonomy of the provinces in concordance with programmes of its member parties. Above all, contrary to several other clubs and parties he did not cause the disintegration of the Yugoslav Club. In his opinion, Slovenian MPs had a unique and rare opportunity to betray Croats for the benefit of Slovenia but they chose not to.

In Dalmatia, none of these parties won the majority, whereas in Bosnia, Croats together with Muslims in theory could have reached the majority had the latter not joined the government camp for tactical and party-related reasons. Zagreb, Prior to the meeting a rumour spread that leaders of the CPP in Sarajevo addressed a demand to the Yugoslav Club to try to come up with grounds to annex the CB, since the CPP of Bosnia and Dalmatia was under threat to be abandoned by all their supporters, who considered joining the CB.

Interview dr. Several more speakers followed and the meeting took the whole day. He went on saying that the news was as unfounded as the rumours that the CPP was to participate in the government. I really can not understand the press of the Croatian Bloc that has been attacking Slovenians so ruthlessly. I do not know what Croats could possibly hold against Slovenians? Would the Croatian Bloc prefer to have Croats on one side and Slovenians together with Serbs on the other?

It is not true that the Croatian CPP. Instead, they were sitting at home and letting the authorities abuse the power given to them when they should be cooperating in the proceedings of the Assembly. Elections were called for 18th March Both parties were in favour of continuing the active policy and cooperation in the Assembly. The CPP consented to the election coalition of all Croatian parties provided they collaborated until the elections and went their separate political ways afterwards. However, it kept the right to act at its own discretion as far as its parliamentary collaboration was concerned since it wished that all potential representatives of the CPP became members of the Yugoslav Club before they joined broader party coalitions and blocs depending on the current political relations.

Lower governing ranks of the CPP negotiated with the parties of the Croatian bloc, e. Sedem shodov dr. Such attitude can be observed only in centralistic parties whose very structure induces that chauvinists from one tribe join hands with renegades from another. He dragged his party into Croatia; he also dragged Bosnia and Herzegovina in it, whereas in Dalmatia he even succeeded in submitting to him the relatively strongest Croatian group. We have a situation in which in the Croatian political sphere, we have to listen to Slovenian clericals. In the Croatian Coastal region, on islands and in villages of Slavonia where there is no trace of Slovenians, Croats follow instructions from Ljubljana.

In the economic. But this must change: the principle that every nation is a master on its own soil must be translated in practice also in Croatia. It also pointed out that in their political relationship there was no sign of the subordination or dictates. It won only 18, votes and failed to get a single seat in the assembly. Therefore he believed that it was not his duty to find out their opinion of these events. The liberal paper Slovenski narod added that it was more than obvious that the supporters of the CPP were not satisfied with the SPP politics.

Therefore there were rumours that the supporters of political Catholicism outside Slovenia would completely secede from their leadership in Ljubljana. Sude druge po sebi, Narodna politika, February 27, , nr. Therefore throughout , the leaders of the CPP dedicated themselves to fieldwork to strengthen the organisation of the party and its printed material.

On this occasion it was established that the SPP and the CPP share the same views on organisational structure of the Government, cultural and social issues and those concerning active politics. The forming of the new bloc brought stirring events and big changes to the political scene. Contrary to optimistic expectations the CPP was not very successful in the elections. The party even won less votes. The paper Slovenec was very brief about it. Therefore the CPP leadership strengthened its political activities.

Allegedly, it was questionable how the Slovenian people would accept this new political orientation of the SPP. Therefore we are happy that the voice of this politician will be heard in the Zagreb that respects only those politicians who grant this city what it deserves.

Newspapers published many commentaries. All the gatherings were carried out perfectly, even though until recently the CPP was in minority there. Everywhere we went we awoke a lot of interest. People are coming back to the CPP that will soon reach the same level as before the constituent assembly elections. And we all know that at that time, the CPP was the strongest party in Dalmatia. When I was getting ready for. Koprive, November 7, , nr. Dalmatia is unanimously admitting that the CPP politics has always been a healthy, real Croatian politics. Soon he was planning a trip to Herzegovina.

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After the assembly in Mostar, there was also a committee meeting for the whole area of Herzegovina. This is an interesting process. Since the party leaders came to the conclusion that these travels had brought big success in terms of organisation and strength of the party, the party leadership decided that such propaganda should be carried out in other Croatian towns as well. The purpose of such intensive fieldwork was to organize gatherings of the CPP with Croatian - Catholic population in every district.

In his speech Kulovec pointed out the need for uniting all Yugoslav Catholics into one party, so that all the Catholics who were divided into various political parties, would establish a strong and unified organization. Catholics, come to light, all of you! According to this paper, the SPP had run out of arguments against the Croatian Peasant Party and was, with an appeal to the religious feelings of the nation, merely trying to find a way out of the situation it. Veliki shodi dr. If you need a boyfriend I am here The Narodni dnevnik also wrote that in case the SPP succeeded in their appeal, the nation would be divided in two groups.

Other religions would not be excluded, as long as they publicly accept and carry out those principles of moral and social order that are common to all who think positively and are eventually capable of uniting into one single Christian community, which is the basic idea of Catholicism.

The members of the SPP leadership continued. Katoliki vkup! He was talking about the mistakes Slovenians and Croats made in , when they united, and how Serbs used this to their advantage. Together with the CPP leaders he visited the district of Jastrebarsko. They stayed there for three days and organized six party assemblies.

These assemblies continued with what had become an established habit — at the CPP gatherings also the representatives of the SPP were allowed to speak. We can always agree about certain social and cultural-religious matters, yet have completely different opinions regarding strictly political matters. We are two independent political parties with very special leaderships and political tactics. The SPP and CPP papers believed that this was an attempt to regain political reputation, which he had completely lost in the very same territories, carrying out his latest political orientation.

This caused his party serious problems since with his speeches he broke the agreement with the radicals that demanded from him to speak in favour of the unity of the nation and state, especially the principles of the Vidovdan Constitution and the partition of Croatia. Many of them even demanded that he should be removed from the Government. In his speech in the National Parliament he tried to find an excuse for his speeches there and blamed it on the spread of the political Catholicism in Dalmatia, which he was ellegedly trying to stop.

The attack was a popular talking point in the diplomatic circles. The Slovenski narod wrote that the behaviour of the SPP in this affair evoked enormous dissatisfaction. Hohnjeca na ministra zunanjih del, Slovenec, February 14, , nr. He protested that these untrue statements found themselves in the foreign media. He said that the Government never acted against the Church and that it was always striving for a better relationship with the Vatican. In Croatia he received three mandates. Even if we lose all small balls, we are still people, which you are not, we are still Slavs, the supporters of the real ideas of Christianity, not just on the outside, but also in our hearts.

And this man, as the Narodna politika wrote, declared in the Parliament that he represented the majority of the Catholics in the country. Prunk is of opinion that it is not understandable that dr. The first bigger test that could show these results were the municipal elections in Dalmatia in May In these elections, on 26th May , the CPP candidates won 12, votes, which is the number of votes from the whole country they had won in the previous Parliamentary elections. You are too proud to let this happen, you have to fight for your freedom and equal rights, for your autonomy and your parliament in Zagreb.

You have to be sons of your ancestors and claim your rights. The CPP has never let you down and will not do so in the future because it is a Christian party, a fair party. That is an obvious lie. They are not. Our Party is under attack especially because it is a Catholic Party, because it demands that religious principles must be respected in politics. That is evil. That is not right. That is not suitable. But we on the contrary see that all those who mantain that a religion must be respected even in politics, all of them are the most righteous leaders and protectors of their People.

He was very close to Croatian peasants, he liked to talk to them, and he was always positive in his speeches and never offended his political opponents from other Croatian parties. Not many people knew Croatia and the Croatian people like he did. He was acquainted with our circumstances and our problems. In the time when he was in a very high position in the country, he was always ready to help poor people in Croatia without seeking fame.

He helped many poor, suffering people. Silently, so that nobody knew where the help was coming from. Thus there were no representatives in the Yugoslav club. Croatian politicians used this against the Yugoslav club when its representatives wanted to speak for Slovenes and Croatians in the Parliament. Abstract: This article argues that the approach to teaching history which includes local history is the most natural way of teaching history.

This is based on the assumption that the local environment is a more comprehensible unit for students and enables them a more authentic experience of the topics. It raises their interest, attention and activity level. In many cases the teachers have to collect the materials themselves. Skills in collecting, as well as critically appraising and ordering the collected materials will enable teachers to prepare a monograph of history of the local place as a source for their lessons. If collected properly and adapted to the teaching process, such sources can play an important role in history classes.

The article offers an analysis of social and economic conditions in Maribor during the period between the two world wars. The analysis is presented as an example of the kind of content about local history which can be included in classes about this period. Key words: Teaching history, local history, history of Maribor, social conditions, economic conditions, period Moderns views on teaching history History classes are interesting for students only if the treatment of topics stems from the question of how people used to live in the past, how they experienced their environment, other people, and how they formed their values.

It is often ignored that history classes can educate young people in many ways, also culturally and spiritually. There are a lot of examples from Slovenian and world history alike which point to the humanist value of history classes, including ethical education, material and spiritual culture, and also esthetic education.

It is problem-oriented history classes based on the methods of independent discovery of truth which prepares students for dealing properly with dilemmas and problems of their future lives. Students and teachers alike should be aware of the fact that traditional forms and methods of teaching can and must be replaced by modern forms and methods which change the roles of students and teachers and help to develop numerous learning skills in students. Developing and acquiring learning skills is most efficient if the following class forms are used: first, individual form, which can take place in school or at home, second, group form, and third, non-traditional frontal form with various active methods.

The local environment is a more comprehensible unit for students and enables them a more authentic experience of the topics. The approach based on local history is therefore the most natural way of teaching history. For this type of work, however, the teacher has to have enough materials at her disposal, e. In many cases the teacher has to collect the materials herself. For this purpose, they have to develop their skills in collecting, as well as appraising and ordering the collected materials. Better skilled teachers will even be able to prepare a monograph of the local town.

Good monographs, school chronicles and ethnological materials provide a good source for preparing local history learning materials. However, even well-ordered and extensive materials are not efficient if not prepared methodically, i. The presentation of such a learning unit, a unit which does not appear in textbooks of primary or secondary schools, will serve as an illustration of the topics from local history that can be included in teaching about a certain period. Social circumstances The power of the Slovene nationals in the Drava region was revealed at the break down of Austria in the year , when the general Rudolf Maister and the National Council for Styria headed by Dr.

Hans Schmiderer on December 18, Vilko Pfeifer was appointed Government Commissioner of Maribor and took over the leadership of the city magistrate on January 2, This governmental department was up to the foundation of the central government in Belgrade December 20, the highest body for cultural affairs with the National Goverment of Slovenia. They also based their claim on economic reasons, e.

They tried to make the population insecure and convince them that the Yugoslav state had only economic hardship in store for them. The Austrian demands for a plebiscite in this part of Slovenian Styria were rejected thanks to the opposition from the French delegation. The Maribor Germans wanted to use this opportunity to show the German character of the city. This lead to a tragic shoot-out which left several demonstrators dead. The Saint-Germaine Peace Contract with Austria on September 10, , finally bestowed the whole part of the former Duchy of Styria with predominant Slovenian population to the new state, the Kingdom of the Serbs, the Croats and the Slovenes.

An article in the Marburger Zeitung of September 11, , said that some Maribor Germans accepted the new political reality some only temporarily , although they were very hurt. They admitted their hope for a different turn of events. The article entitled Unser deutsches Marburg, published in in the Viennese. Marburger Zeitung, 59 , 2, January 3, p. The Slovene authorities compensated the lack of domestic clerks by immigrants from Slovenian Carinthia, which after the plebiscite of became part of Austria, and also from the Primorska region, which became part of Italy.

Especially those who came from Primorska had a strong influence on the city. Then the Community Council dispossessed the former Germanizing institutions and organizations, among the possessions were also the Theater and Kazina building. The German printing house and the traditional local newspaper the Marburger Zeitung also came under the state control. The Slovene community administration took care of renaming the German names of streets and stores with Slovene names.

In the night of 28 October , the Mariborers could read on the houses, banks, etc. They remind us of our slavery. Take them off immediately! Partly this worked e. The city magistrate order that by June 30, , all the craftsmen had to replace German names on their buildings with Slovene or Serbo-Croatian names. German public names were from that day on prohibited. The citizens of Maribor consequently had to learn Slovene. After the fall of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy most clerks were given notice because they did not speak Slovene.

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Some clerks were given a deadline the end of December to learn Slovene. There were also free Slovene classes arranged for them. The fact that Slovene was not prevalent in every sphere of public life is obvi-. For example, even ten years after the fall of the AustroHungarian monarchy, the city magistrate was faced with the problem of clerks who conversed in German with each other. The city magistrate also received letters from citizens using public transport who complained about drivers talking to passengers in German.

In , the police commission issued a regulation according to which all the guests in public houses were to be greeted and talked to in Slovene. Only if they did not understand Slovene, could they be addressed in German. For quite some time after the fall of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, the clerks used printed texts in German or in both languages. The former German names of streets, roads, and squares also remained in everyday use. German newspapers published in Slovene still used German names for Slovene places, mountains and other geographical features.

There were several reasons for this. An important reason was German pressure on social classes dependent on the Germans for their social safety. This pressure was manifested in several ways. Some industrial plants represented virtual German assimilation factories. Slovene workers were forced to communicate in German with the German owners, so many of them started to learn German when they entered the workforce.

Many of them also started to forget their mother tongue and communicated in German among each other. The pressure was also political — German owners of industrial plants were often forcing their employees to vote for the German party. Those who would not listen were even threatened with resignation.

This was the consequence of influences outside schools. Many families lived in great poverty. The children were mostly left to be educated by the street. They were not raised in the spirit of national awareness. Many parents kept the old habit of speaking German at home, even though they were completely Slovene by their origin, coming from Pohorje, Slovenske gorice or the surroundings of Celje.

German was often thought as a superior language. During this time, Maribor was described as a German city abroad. In the first few months of the Slovenes taking over the power after , the general Rudolf Maister and the National Council left the schools German as before. They realized that this was a very sensitive area where the German influence was the greatest.

German and pro-German parents and also the incited youth would have certainly reacted badly to changes. It was necessary to get enough good, nationally aware and hard-working teachers, since at the beginning there were only five Slovene teachers teaching at Maribor elementary and civic schools. On January 27, , the higher school council in Ljubljana issued a regulation which canceled German as an obligatory subject in elementary and civic schools.

At the meeting of school workers and politicians on 23 February, , there was a proposal to replace all the German school masters by the Slovenian ones, but also to give notice to all the German teachers who had participated in the demonstrations against the Kingdom of SHS on 27 January, Slovenian teachers took over almost all the posts in elementary and civic schools. Most German teachers were given notice. Despite that, all the schools kept their instruction in German till the end of the school year, even though they introduced three obligatory classes of Slovene a week.

In the next school year only those children were enrolled in German classes whose both parents could prove they were of German origin. They had a right to instruction in their mother tongue, but they also had obligatory classes of Slovene. Vocational and secondary schools underwent a similar development. This was not a real problem, as most of the students and teachers were Slovene. The school kept German classes, which were cancelled later due to the lack of students. Non-classical grammar schools represented more of a problem, as most of the students were German.

After July 1, , in the larger city area there were 16 open schools. Marburger Zeitung, 59 , 45, February 26, pp. The deve-. We can conclude that the Slovenization of schools and the foundation of new Slovene schools, of course including the foundation of the University of Ljubljana in , undoubtedly the most important long term cultural achievements of the Slovenes in their new state. The state regulation of June 26, , divided the Yugoslav part of Slovenia in accordance with the St.

Because of the merging of the Ljubljana and Maribor authorities, Maribor lost many important institutions. This loss affected particularly the middle class, to a certain extent also the small trade and crafts, which were the cornerstone of the Maribor citizenry.

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During the two world wars, the Maribor citizenry, the same as the Slovene citizenry in general, was divided into two camps: the clerical and the liberal. Their followers came from the ranks of tradesmen, craftsmen, and clerks. The Maribor workers, who in the time directly following the fall of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy were quite pro-German and openly argued for Maribor joining Austria, were organized in the socialist camp.

In the 30s, the political life in the city was marked by the German political camp, manifesting itself in the organization of the SwabianGerman cultural association. The community leadership of the city was dependent on the governing political parties. Razprave I. Maribor , pp. Josip Mal, Ljubljana , p. Also: The Encyclopedia of Slovenia, 6th book, Ljubljana , p. On 10 December, , Dr. Josip Leskovar became the mayor. He was the first real Slovene mayor of Maribor, since he was elected on the basis of the Slovene national program.

Alojz Juvan was elected as the mayor. After the dictatorship in , the political balance of forces in the city council changed according to broader changes on the state level the domination of the Yugoslav national party — JNS. The Slovenian liberals, who followed the unitarian—centralist national state program, and were part of the unitarian—centralist JNS, took over the power also in Maribor. Alojz Juvan was replaced by the liberal Dr. Franjo Lipold. The last great political change in the organs of the city community was in the year , when the Yugoslav radical party JRZ took over the government in Belgrade.

The city community was again headed by the clerical Dr. Alojz Juvan, who remained the mayor until the nazi occupation. After the nationality of the Maribor population changed drastically. The changes were mainly due to a different count of the population. Under Austria, nationality was based on the language of communication, whereas in the new state, it was based on the mother tongue.

According to the census in , the city had 22, inhabitants who stated German as their language of communication and 3, inhabitants who stated Slovene as their language of communication. In the year , the census showed This proportion was relatively great, taking into account that the proportion of Germans in Slovenia was only 3. They claimed that these members had special orders to take into account not only the mother tongue but also other signs of nationality, such as origin, surname, nationality of parents, school and home education, etc. It showed that previous Austrian population counts covered up the real statistics, with the number of Germans in the year Zgodovina Slovencev History of Slovenes , Ljubljana , p.

The number of these Germans is approximate, but according to estimates it was around five to six thousand people. They were replaced by around two thousand Slovene public officers, entrepreneurs, etc. In Maribor there were around applicants for Yugoslav citizenship with their families, which is about 5 thousand people in total, later there were additional to applications from Slovenes for Yugoslav citizenship.

This also contributed to the changed nationality structure of Maribor according to the census. The reports about the census describe individuals who stated German as their mother tongue, although they were born on the Slovene territory and had both parents of Slovene origin. The next census of 31 March, , showed that Maribor had 33, inhabitants, among whom there were Marta g. In , the census took account of both, the mother tongue and nationality. Because of that the only comparison possible between the counts of and is the comparison based on the data about the mother tongue.

From the data it can be concluded that in the period between and the number of Germans again decreased, mostly due to continued emigration. The mills of God grind slowly, but it is certain that the Potemkin village is crumbling of the seemingly so mighty German culture in Maribor and on the whole territory belonging to the Slavs since time immemorial. After the Maribor economic structure began to change. The economic ties of the city with other economic centres of the former state were severed.

Maribor was on the brink of the new state. Its economy had to be directed towards the south-east. The fall of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy in brought changes in monetary and loan institutions. The dinar was not stable until after Post-war problems and currency changes also affected agriculture. The agricultural surroundings of the city lost their markets due to the new border. In the new state, the agricultural branch of economy faced fierce competition from other agricultural areas.

For example, the competiton of the milling industry from Vojvodina was too strong for Maribor. The essential change of the structure of Maribor economy was in the fact that trade was replaced by industry as the leading economic force of the city. This was largely due to the electrification of the city.

The electrification of the city e. The new industry brought a new source of income and soon became one of the topmost economic forces in Maribor. The new industry gave the city its new image and changed the social structure of the population. During the period between the world wars, Maribor had 15 big textile plants.

The biggest plant of this industrial branch was the workshop of the national railway, which employed the greatest number of workers in metalwork. Other plants were smaller and together employed less than a thousand workers. There were also other similar companies, such as the plant Kovina d.

Buehl, and the factory Ruda. The period between the world wars was very convenient for the development of the chemical industry. It was the biggest consumer of the electric power produced by the power plant in Fala. Another big company was the soap factory Zlatorog, which developed from the first Maribor soap factory formerly C. An important element of the Maribor industry were also several smaller plants, such as brick factories in the surroundings of the city. After the war, the wood industry of the city also flourished, adding some new plants to the existing ones.

But later crises in wood industry almost completely destroyed it, affecting particularly sawmills. Tanneries, which were once big factories, mostly transformed into smaller plants, only the tannery Freund in Melje expanded and became the biggest factory in this branch. Food industry had a similar fate after the war due to new competition. Tarif Khalidi. Beirut: Leben im Kollegiatstift St. Die Stellung der Piae Causae nach justinianischem Rechte. Robert Hillenbrandt et al.

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